The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go outO'Brien, James Bronterre
History
The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go out
O'Brien, James Bronterre
Labor; Labor movement; Slavery; Social problems; Working class
A universal-suffrage parliament would secure to the poor their full
share of benefit accruing from the revenues of all this property. What
belongs to the whole public ought to be applied for the advantage of
the whole public; and it is only a majority of the whole public that
is competent to decide how corporate bodies elected upon property
qualifications have a right to dispose of property which equitably
belongs to the non-electors as much as to the burgesses having votes.
The same remark applies to schools, charities, and other endowments,
the original founders of which intended them principally for the
benefit of the poor. The crown lands do not belong to the higher
or middle classes, more than they do to the working-classes or to
the paupers in our union workhouses. Yet the aristocracy and their
retainers alone derive any benefit from them. The lands and revenues
of the church are _public_ property. A parliament which represents
only a fraction of the public has no right to appropriate these lands
and revenues to the Established Church, or to any church, if the vast
majority of the population desire they should be differently applied.
And who can doubt that such majority is totally averse to their present
appropriation? Many, like ourselves, might not like to dispossess the
present incumbents. But why should not their revenues, as they die off,
revert to the public for public uses, and their successors be left
(like the ministers of other churches, and like all other professional
men) to their own congregations and their own resources? Suppose this
had been done twenty or thirty years ago--the revenues of bishopricks
and livings, as the incumbents died off, thrown into a common fund
for the purchase of lands, and the rents of these lands again applied
in the same way--what a goodly slice of the soil, and what a goodly
revenue, would be now in the hands of the public! And who would be
wronged by such appropriation? Clearly not the then clergy, for the
reform would not have taken effect till after their death. Clearly
not their present successors; for these would have no legal title to
a property which the public and the law had chosen to appropriate
otherwise. Indeed, the majority of them--the poor curates--would have
been even benefited by the change; for, if left to the voluntary
principle, their congregations would provide better for them than does
the present Establishment. At all events, they could not be said to
have lost what they never had; and even if they fared worse than they
do now, they could not blame the public for having “done what it liked
with its own.” What was not done twenty or thirty years ago ought to
be done now: the public should now insist that church property and
every other description of property belonging to the public, should
be henceforward devoted only to such public uses as a majority of
the public may sanction. Any other application of it is robbery. A
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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