The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go outO'Brien, James Bronterre
History
The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go out
O'Brien, James Bronterre
Labor; Labor movement; Slavery; Social problems; Working class
parliament has no more right to rob the public for the benefit of
individuals, than it has to rob individuals for the benefit of the
public. This is their own maxim, and they should be held to it.
The proceeds of public property and the poor’s rate would, if honestly
applied, be amply sufficient to locate the unemployed poor upon the
land. Estates are every day coming into the market for sale. To the
owners it matters not a straw who buys their lands, so long as the full
price is paid for it. They are willing to sell, and the public are
willing to buy. The funds wherewith to buy are the surplus revenue,
the proceeds of public property, and some £8,000,000 of poor’s rate.
Assuredly, here is ample means of restoring their own to the people,
without robbing anybody. All that is wanted is an honest parliament to
legalize the work.
If it be said that such application of public property would benefit
the poor only, and be an injustice to the rich, the answer is that
the lands so purchased would not be the property of the poor, but the
property of the whole nation--rich and poor; and that, inasmuch as
the rents accruing therefrom would be applicable to public uses only,
the whole public, and not the poor alone, would have the benefit
in the remission of rates and taxes. The only disadvantage the rich
would suffer from such reform is that it would gradually emancipate
industry from their iron grasp. Now that disadvantage is its best
recommendation. The rich _may_ have a right to use their own _private_
property as they like (though with respect to _land_ they have no
such right), but they can have no right to use the _public_ property
otherwise than as a majority of the public may decide--much less to use
it for the enslavement and degradation of the great majority.
As to the present parliament doing anything like what is here
recommended, it would be madness to expect it. A parliament which
represents only those who thrive by labour’s wrongs will never
recognise labour’s rights, nor legislate for labour’s emancipation.
Such a parliament will never apply public property otherwise than to
the injury and enslavement of the industrial classes. If it had a
surplus of twenty millions, these classes would not derive a shilling
benefit from it. Indeed, not even the distressed portion of the middle
classes can command its sympathies where aristocratic interests stand
in the way: of this we have a remarkable instance in the result of a
motion for the repeal of the window-tax--the tax on air and light. At
the same time there was an opportunity of saving about a million a year
by calling home the African anti-slavery squadron. But no; the precious
House would neither repeal the tax on air and light nor disband the
anti-slavery armament. Everybody is now aware that this blockading
squadron on the Gold Coast was the veriest humbug that ever provoked
derision.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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