The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go outO'Brien, James Bronterre
History
The rise, progress, and phases of human slavery: How it came into the world and how it shall be made to go out
O'Brien, James Bronterre
Labor; Labor movement; Slavery; Social problems; Working class
Another false principle at the root of our system (mark it well! for
it is a most diabolical one) is, that laws may legitimately _make_
property for one set of people at the expense of another set, without
the consent of the latter, and without giving them an equivalent.
This principle lurks insidiously at the root of scores of different
sorts of property, well known to exist in this country, and to be
wholly and solely the offspring of class-legislation. The dividends
payable on the National Debt are of this class of property; so are
railway dividends; so are the dividends or revenues accruing from
canals, docks, wharfs, fisheries, insurance offices, gas-companies,
water-companies, mining-companies, and private companies of all sorts,
which are chartered by private Acts of Parliament to do for the public
what the public ought to be empowered to do for themselves. There
is no subject upon which more gross and general ignorance prevails
than upon this. Most people imagine that a man may as legitimately
possess property of the kinds here alluded to, as he may possess a
house, a horse, or a gross of Birmingham buttons. No delusion can
be more ridiculous. Parliaments are chosen, and laws are designed,
not to _make_ property for people, but to _protect_ it for those who
have made it for themselves, or obtained it from those that _did_.
If a man builds a house, or buys an ox, it is his rightful property
irrespectively of Acts of Parliament. The law did not give him the
house or the ox; neither has it a right to take it away, unless for
a good and sufficient reason, and then only upon awarding adequate
compensation. The same principle applies to every other legitimate
description of property. All such legitimate descriptions of property
are acquired or made by the owners themselves, and not by the law. The
law only _protects_ such property; it does not _create_ or _make_ it.
The State plan of borrowing money from its subjects on the
perpetual-interest system is replete with folly and extravagance;
unless it be admitted to be an artful scheme for robbing the
wealth-producers, by taxing them with the payment of the interest of
money which they never borrowed. An honest government would quickly set
about paying this debt off, by offering life annuities to a certain
number of stock-holders every year. A real State power ought never
to _borrow_ money; it ought to _make_ it when required to cancel its
obligations, receiving the same money back in the form of taxes, so as
to prevent depreciation. The government practice of borrowing money on
Exchequer bills is also absurdly wasteful; surely the credit of the
State ought to be above that of any of its subjects!
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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