The Roman assemblies from their origin to the end of the RepublicBotsford, George Willis
History
The Roman assemblies from their origin to the end of the Republic
Botsford, George Willis
Constitutional law -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
levy.[1364] For the next hundred years mention is often made of the
exercise of this function by the people;[1365] and when a declaration
was once issued by them, it could be recalled only by their vote.[1366]
During the period of the Samnite wars the assembly still more frequently
made use of this right.[1367] In better known times we find it firmly
established. The people declared war against Carthage in 264,[1368]
against the Illyrians in 229,[1369] against Carthage again in 218,[1370]
against Macedon in 200,[1371] against Antiochus in 191,[1372] against
Macedon again in 171,[1373] against Jugurtha in 111.[1374] In the case of
the two Macedonian wars here referred to, the declaration is mentioned as
an act of the comitia centuriata.[1375] In 167 the praetor M. Juventus
Thalna attempted to pass through the tribal assembly a lex de bello
indicendo against the Rhodians, but was effectually opposed by a tribune
of the plebs;[1376] so that the function continued to be exclusively
centuriate. Cn. Manlius Volso in 189 made war upon the Gallograeci
without an order of the people or a decree of the senate, and was on that
ground accused in the senate by two of his legati.[1377] We conclude,
however, that the charge was fruitless from the circumstance that the
senate finally decreed him a triumph.[1378] For beginning war against
the Histrians on his own responsibility the consul A. Manlius, 178,
was threatened with a prosecution, which was quashed by a tribunician
veto.[1379] Licinius Lucullus was not even brought to trial for the war
he waged without an order of the people against the Vaccaei in 151.[1380]
Hence it appears that though a magistrate could not legally begin war
on his own initiative, there was no real danger of condemnation for so
doing. The reason is that those in authority attached little importance
to the right of the comitia in the matter. Only once is mentioned a
fear lest the people may not give their consent to a war.[1381] One
case of rejection is recorded, and even here the centuries at a second
session obediently accepted the consul’s proposition.[1382] The control
of diplomacy and of the revenues by the senate and magistrates assured
these powers the practical decision of questions of war and peace to
such an extent that ratification by the assembly could ordinarily be
counted on as certain; and its influence decreased with the expansion
of the empire. Meantime, however, the idea of popular sovereignty,
which was expressing itself in other spheres of government, effectually
demanded, if only in form, some concession to the assembly in this field
as well; and accordingly in the formula of declaration “populus” wholly
takes the place of the once all-important “senatus.”[1383] By such empty
concessions the nobility rendered the people more docile. Thus to the
end of the republic the centuriate assembly retained the constitutional
right to decide questions of aggressive war, although in practice the
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