The Roman assemblies from their origin to the end of the RepublicBotsford, George Willis
History
The Roman assemblies from their origin to the end of the Republic
Botsford, George Willis
Constitutional law -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
laws handed down from Tullius and Romulus the people were judges of the
elections, and of the laws pertaining thereto they could set aside or
confirm whichever they pleased.[2231] Finally one of the tribunes of
the people declared that he would take from the consuls the power of
holding an election unless they yielded to the people in this matter.
Then the senate allowed the tribunes to repeal this law and after one
year they reënacted it.”[2232] From this event it can be seen that when
the tribunes and people were unitedly determined upon a measure, they
were irresistible. It is evident, too, that in popular theory no laws
could prevent the citizens from having the magistrates whom they chose
to elect. Again in 135 a plebiscite, authorized by a senatus consultum,
granted more speedily on this occasion though doubtless with as great
regret, exempted him from the law which absolutely forbade reëlection to
the consulship.[2233] It was equally ominous that in the preceding year
the proconsulship of M. Aemilius Lepidus was abrogated, probably by an
act of the comitia.[2234]
Another premonition of the revolution was the renewal of agrarian
agitation, with which in a varying degree some of the more enlightened
nobles sympathized. It began slowly to dawn upon them that the economic
ruin of the peasant class was endangering the state—a feeling which
found expression in the agrarian rogation of C. Laelius, praetor in
145.[2235] The measure must have been similar to the Licinian-Sextian
law as it threatened the interests of the rich.[2236] When he saw that
their opposition would be such as to disturb the public peace, he
dropped the proposal. If he was in truth called Sapiens because of this
speedy retreat, the epithet was too easily earned. Reform, while there
was yet time, was blocked as much by the cowardice of the well-minded
as by the enormous selfishness of the majority of nobles. It was in
this time of extraordinary imperial prosperity that, in the opinion of
Polybius, the constitution was successfully put to its severest test.
“When these external alarms are past, and the people are enjoying their
good fortune and the fruits of their victories, and, as usually happens,
growing corrupted by flattery and sloth, show a tendency to violence
and arrogance—it is in these circumstances more than ever that the
constitution is seen to possess within itself the power of correcting
abuses. For when any one of the three classes becomes puffed up, and
manifests an inclination to be contentious and unduly encroaching,
the mutual interdependence of all the three, and the possibility of
the pretensions of any one’s being curbed and thwarted by the others,
must plainly check this tendency; and so the proper equilibrium is
maintained by the impulsiveness of the one part’s being checked by its
fear of the other.”[2237] These words, which we may suppose to have been
written after the tribunate of Ti. Gracchus,[2238] accurately describe
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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