The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 2 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far EastKuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
History
The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 2 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far East
Kuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905
2. To fall back on the main Liao-yang position, leave as few troops
as possible to defend it, and then attack in force that portion of
Kuroki’s army which was moving round our left, and endeavour to crush
it by driving it back on the Tai-tzu Ho, which at that time of the year
was unfordable except at a few points.
As regards the first, even if we were successful against Oku and Nodzu,
they could always fall back on their communications if in difficulties,
and so draw us away from Liao-yang, while any success by Kuroki which
might lead to an attack by him on our communications would threaten
us with catastrophe.[73] In order to collect sufficient force to
move against the two armies, it would have been necessary to have
contained Kuroki with only such troops as were on the right bank of the
river—namely, the 17th Corps and two regiments of the 54th Division
(total, forty battalions) under Bilderling. But as these troops were
not yet seasoned, it was impossible to rely on their performing such an
extremely difficult task as that of holding in check Kuroki’s superior
numbers on the necessarily extended position they would have to occupy
[this fear was justified by subsequent events]. These considerations
led to the adoption of the second alternative.
On the 31st, under cover of darkness and without being pressed, we
began the evacuation of the advanced positions, which had already been
of value to us, inasmuch as the enemy had been weakened by the losses
incurred in attacking them. By the following morning as many as 100
battalions, with artillery and cavalry, had crossed on to the right
bank of the river. The Japanese did not occupy our abandoned positions
till the evening of that date, when they began to shell Liao-yang.
The general disposition of the army was as follows: 56 battalions, 10
_sotnias_, and 144 guns (under Zarubaeff) were still on the left bank;
30 battalions, 5 _sotnias_, and 84 guns were on the right for the
defence of Liao-yang itself. In addition to the small columns detailed
to guard our flanks and rear, the remainder of the army, totalling
93 battalions, 73 squadrons and _sotnias_, and 352 guns, were told
off to attack Kuroki. But in making this calculation as to the number
of battalions available, it is essential to explain a very important
factor. During the whole period of the war from its commencement
till August only 6,000 men had been received at the front as drafts
to repair wastage, and, as I have said, we began the fighting round
Liao-yang with a shortage of 15,000 men. The result of this, taken
in connection with the great number of men that had to be detached
for various non-combatant duties, and also our losses in the fighting
that had already taken place in the neighbourhood, was that the actual
strength of the ninety-three battalions was, on September 1, only from
50,000 to 55,000 rifles. For instance, the twenty-one battalions
comprising the 10th Corps (which took part in the affair of September
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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