The sacred dance : $b A study in comparative folkloreOesterley, W. O. E. (William Oscar Emil)
Religion
The sacred dance : $b A study in comparative folklore
Oesterley, W. O. E. (William Oscar Emil)
Dance -- Religious aspects -- History
A brief glance at some rites, analogous to those just referred to, as
existing among some other peoples will not be without interest. The idea
of “royalty” attaching to the bridal pair is seen in Morocco at the
present day; the bridegroom is looked upon and treated as a sultan, and
his bachelor friends act as his ministers (_wazara_)[327]. Among the
Malays the bride and bridegroom are called _Raja sari_, “the sovereigns
of the day,” and “it is a polite fiction that no command of their’s,
during their one day of sovereignty, may be disobeyed[328].” Many similar
examples could be given; the underlying idea is that by a change of
identity[329],—that it is purely fictitious is no matter—the dangers
which are conceived of, however vaguely, as attending those about to be
joined in marriage, are mitigated. Westermarck says:
A very large number of marriage ceremonies spring from the
feeling or idea that bride and bridegroom are in a state of
danger, and therefore stand in need of purification and of
special protection against magical influences and evil spirits;
in this class of customs he includes dancing[330]. _Why_ dancing should
be supposed to have this effect is another question to which, presumably,
different answers will be given. For our own part, we are inclined to
believe that at the bottom of it lies a connexion with the original idea
and purpose of the sacred dance, viz. the imitation, and therefore the
pleasing, of supernatural powers, as already pointed out (see p. 22);
not that there was necessarily any consciousness of this; but from the
earliest times dancing had had this purpose, and the custom continued
without a reason for it being assigned. Not but what the rite as a
marriage ceremony may, and doubtless did, have other purposes as well;
but these may either have been superimposed, or what is quite possible,
a different train of ideas gave rise to them. But behind them all lay,
in the first instance, this propitiatory act performed in honour of some
supernatural power. All festive dancing at weddings may be regarded as
having originated from this. To quote Westermarck again:
Ceremonies which once had a purpose may, in course of time,
become entirely meaningless, and yet continue to be practised;
and ceremonies may also be direct expressions of emotional
states, whether combined with a special purpose or not. Just
as funeral rites and mourning observances, even when they
are intended to protect the survivors against the dead man’s
ghost or the contagion of death, are very largely similar to
or identical with natural expressions of sorrow or grief, so
the precautions taken at a wedding assume the shape of joyful
performances, such as dancing, music, singing...[331].
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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