The sacred dance : $b A study in comparative folkloreOesterley, W. O. E. (William Oscar Emil)
Religion
The sacred dance : $b A study in comparative folklore
Oesterley, W. O. E. (William Oscar Emil)
Dance -- Religious aspects -- History
Among these ceremonies which have become entirely meaningless, but are
continued as a joyful or picturesque performance, was the sword-dance
referred to in the Old Testament. This, as we have already noticed, is
in all probability the relic of a rite which had the purpose of averting
evil influences; it was a more aggressive means of combating these, the
change of identity being a passive form serving the same purpose. But as
the sword-dance had this combative purpose, any other weapon might have
been equally efficacious; indeed, if, as we have reason to suppose, the
sword-dance is but the latest form of a very ancient rite, we should
expect to find that in its more primitive forms other weapons would be
employed, for the sword was, comparatively speaking, a modern weapon.
So that while, on the one hand, _e.g._ among the Druses of Syria, the
sword-dance figures as a necessary rite at weddings[332], and among
the Moroccans the bridegroom carries a sword as long as the marriage
ceremonies continue[333], we find that in the ancient Indian ritual the
bride when formally presented to the bridegroom at the wedding ceremony
places a whip or an arrow in his hand[334]. That in some cases the
carrying or presenting the weapon is unaccompanied by the dance need
cause no surprise; they are but exceptions to the general rule, and it is
made up for afterwards. An echo of the primitive rite is doubtless to be
discerned among the Malayans; at a royal wedding a performance is given
by dancing girls and fencers[335]; and at ordinary weddings during the
marriage procession there is dancing and fencing to the accompaniment of
music and singing[336].
There are various other wedding ceremonies, some accompanied by dancing
and some not, which originally had, and often still have, the purpose
of counteracting malign influences at the time of marriage; these
influences are, or rather were, partly due to the belief in mysterious,
vaguely-conceived dangers which the sexes reciprocally ascribed to
each other[337], and partly to the strangeness of feeling generated by
the knowledge that a new state of life was about to be entered upon
which would bring about new experiences as regards oneself, and new
relationships as regarded others. As to the former; it is very likely
that the “Henna-dance,” which always takes place at weddings among the
Malays, had the original purpose of counteracting the dangers alluded
to, _e.g._, the evil eye, possibly; this dance takes its name from the
ceremony of dabbing henna on the centre of the palm of the bride. Skeat,
in describing the dance, says:
A picturesque feature of it is a small cake of henna, which is
contained in a brazen cup and surrounded by candles. This cup
is carried by the dancer who has to keep turning it over and
over without letting the candles be extinguished by the wind
arising from the rapid motion.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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