The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquestKemble, John Mitchell
History
The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquest
Kemble, John Mitchell
Great Britain -- History -- Anglo-Saxon period, 449-1066
The same amusing author tells us[299] how on some occasion, in
consequence of there being no queen in a court, the comites were ill
supplied with clothes, a difficulty which they could only provide
against by inducing their king to marry: “Igitur contubernales Frothonis
circa indumentorum usum feminea admodum ope defecti, quum non haberent
unde nova assuere, aut lacera reficere possent, regem celebrandi
coniugii monitis adhortantur.” There seems no reason to doubt the fact
thus recorded, however we may judge respecting its occurrence in the
time of Frotho. Similarly when Siegfried set out upon his fatal marriage
expedition into Burgundy, he and his twelve comrades were clothed by the
care of the royal Síglint[300]. From this relation between the prince
and the comites, are derived the names appropriated to the former in the
epopoea, of hláford, lord, literally _bread-giver_: sinces brytta, beága
brytta, _distributor of treasure, rings_; sincgifa, _treasure-giver_,
and the like. It is clear also that a right to any share in the booty
could not be claimed by the gesíð, as it undoubtedly could by the free
soldier in the _Hereban_, but depended entirely upon the will of the
chief, and his notions of policy: a right could not have been described
as the result of his liberality. In the historical time of Charlemagne
we have evidence of this[301]: “Quo accepto ... idem vir prudentissimus
idque largissimus et Dei dispensator magnam inde partem Romam ad limina
Apostolorum misit per Angilbertum dilectum abbatem suum; porro reliquam
partem obtimatibus, clericis sive laicis, caeterisque fidelibus suis
largitus est:” or, as it is still more clearly expressed in the annals
of Eginhart[302], “reliquum vero inter optimates et aulicos, caeterosque
in palatio suo militantes, liberali manu distribuit.” And similarly we
are told of Æðelstán: “Praeda quae in castro reperta fuerat, et ea
quidem amplissima, magnifice et viritim divisa. Hoc enim vir ille animo
imperaverat suo, ut nihil opum ad crumenas corraderet; sed omnia
conquisita, vel monasteriis, vel fidelibus suis, munificus
expenderet[303].” The share of the freeman who served under his geréfa,
and not under a lord, was his own by lot, and neither by _largitio_ nor
_liberalitas_,—a most important distinction, seeing that where all was
left to the arbitrary disposition of the chief, the subservience of the
follower would very naturally become the measure of his liberality.
-----
Footnote 296:
Hist. Dan. p. 6.
Footnote 297:
Ibid. p. 144.
Footnote 298:
Sax. Gram. Hist. Dan. p. 33.
Footnote 299:
Hist. Dan. p. 68.
Footnote 300:
Nibelunge Nôt. 66. p. 10, Lachmann.
Footnote 301:
Annal. Laurish. an. 796. Pertz, Mon. Germ. i. 182.
Footnote 302:
An. 796. Pertz, i. 183.
Footnote 303:
Will. Malm. Gest. Reg. i. 213, § 134.
-----
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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