The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquestKemble, John Mitchell
History
The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquest
Kemble, John Mitchell
Great Britain -- History -- Anglo-Saxon period, 449-1066
Æthelweard, Florence of Worcester, and Henry of Huntingdon all follow
the chronicle, which in some details they apparently translate. William
of Malmesbury seems to adopt the same account, but adds a few words
which have especial reference to this portion of the argument[309]:
“quorum (_i. e._ comitum) qui maximus aevo et prudentia Osricus,
caeteros cohortatus ne necem domini sui in insignem et perpetuam suam
ignominiam inultam dimitterent, districtis gladiis coniuratos irruit.”
-----
Footnote 304:
Beówulf, l. 1582 _seq._
Footnote 305:
Ibid. l. 5262 _seq._, 5384 _seq._
Footnote 306:
Ibid. l. 5763.
Footnote 307:
Hist. Ecc. ii. 9.
Footnote 308:
Chron. Sax. an. 755.
-----
Footnote 309:
Gest. Reg. i. § 42.
-----
It is obvious that from this intimate relation between the prince and
the gesíð must arise certain reciprocal rights and duties, sanctioned by
custom, which would gradually form themselves into a code of positive
law, and ultimately affect the state and condition of the freemen. In
the earliest development of the Comitatus, it is clear that the idea of
freedom is entirely lost; it is replaced by the much more questionable
motive of _honour_, or to speak more strictly, of rank and station. The
comes may indeed have become the possessor of land, even of very large
tracts[310], by gift from his prince; but he could not be the possessor
of a free Hide, and consequently bound to service in the general _fyrd_,
or to suit in the folcmót: he might have wealth, and rank and honour, be
powerful and splendid, dignified and influential, but he could not be
free: and if even the freeman so far forgot the inherent dignity of his
station as to carry himself (for his éðel I think he could not carry)
into the service of the prince,—an individual man, although a prince,
and not as yet the state, or the representative of the state,—can it be
doubted that the remunerative service of the chief would outweigh the
barren possession of the farmer, or that the festive board and
adventurous life of the castle would soon supply excuses for neglecting
the humbler duties of the popular court and judicature? Even if the
markmen razed him from their roll, and committed his éðel to a worthier
holder, what should he care, whom the liberality of his conquering
leader could endow with fifty times its worth; and whose total divorce
from the vulgar community would probably be looked upon with no
disfavour by him who had already marked that community for his prey? Nor
could those whom the gesíð in turn settled upon lands which were not
within the general mark-jurisdiction, be free markmen, but must have
stood towards him in somewhat the same relation as he stood to his own
chief. Upon the plan of the larger household, the smaller would also be
formed: the same or similar conditions of tenure would prevail; and the
services of his dependants he was no doubt bound to hold at the disposal
of his own lord, and to maintain for his advantage.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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