The Secret of the League: The Story of a Social WarBramah, Ernest
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The Secret of the League: The Story of a Social War
Bramah, Ernest
Dystopias -- Fiction; Great Britain -- Politics and government -- Fiction; Social classes -- Fiction
There is no need to trace the development of political events leading up
to this position. It lends itself to summary. The Labour party had come
into power by pointing out to voters of the working classes that its
members were their brothers, and promising them a great deal of property
belonging to other people and a good many privileges which they
vehemently denounced in every other class. When in power they had thrown
open the doors of election to one and all. The Socialist party had come
into power by pointing out to voters of the working classes that its
members were even more their brothers, and promising them a still larger
share of other people's property (some, indeed, belonging to the more
prosperous of the Labour representatives then in office) and still
greater privileges. Yet the editor of _The Masses_ was both pained and
surprised at the result.
CHAPTER IV
THE COMPACT
A strong man and a prominent politician, Sir John Hampden had occupied
the unfamiliar position in Parliament of belonging to no party. To no
party, that is, as the term had then been current in English politics;
for, more discerning than most of his contemporaries, he had foreseen
the obliteration of the existing boundaries and the phenomenal growth of
purely class politics even in the old century. It was, he recognised, to
be that development of the franchise with which the world was later to
become tolerably familiar: civil war on constitutional lines. His
warnings fell on very stony ground. The powers that had never yet
prepared for war abroad until the enemy had comfortably occupied all the
strategic points, lest they should wound some wily protesting old
gentleman's susceptibilities, were scarcely likely to take time by the
forelock--or even by a hind fetlock, to enlarge the comparison--at home.
While the Labour party was bringing pressure upon the Government of the
day to grant an extension of suffrage that made Labour the master of
eight out of every ten constituencies, the two great classical parties
were quarrelling vehemently whether L5000 should be spent upon a
sanatorium at Hai Yang and L5,000,000 upon a dockyard at Pittiescottie,
or L5,000,000 upon a dockyard at Hai Yang and L5000 upon a sanatorium at
Pittiescottie. When it is added that the Labour party was definitely
pledged to the inauguration of universal peace by declining to go to war
on any provocation, and looked towards wholesale disarmament as the
first means of economy on attaining office, the cataclysmal humour of
the situation becomes apparent.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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