The Secret of the League: The Story of a Social WarBramah, Ernest
Science
The Secret of the League: The Story of a Social War
Bramah, Ernest
Dystopias -- Fiction; Great Britain -- Politics and government -- Fiction; Social classes -- Fiction
The Unity League was a modern organisation that had come into existence
suddenly, and with no great parade, within a week of that day when
George Salt had forced Hampden to hear what he wished to say, a day now
nearly two years ago. The name was simple and commonplace, and therefore
it aroused neither curiosity nor suspicion; it was explained by the fact
that it had only one object: "By constitutional means to obtain an
adequate representation of the middle and upper classes in Parliament,"
a phrase rendered by the lighter-hearted members colloquially as "To
kick out the Socialists." The Government, quite content to govern
constitutionally (in the wider sense) and to be attacked
constitutionally (in the narrower sense), treated the existence of the
Unity League as a playful ebullition on the part of the milch sections
of society, and raised the minimum income-tax to four and threepence as
a sedative.
At first the existence of the League met with very little response and
no enthusiasm among those for whom it was intended. It had become an
article of faith with the oppressed classes that no propagandism could
ever restore an equitable balance of taxation. Every change must
inevitably tend to be worse than the state before. To ask the working
classes (the phrase lingered; by the demarcation of taxation it meant
just what it conventionally means to-day, and, similarly, it excluded
clerical workers of all grades)--to ask this privileged class which
dominated practically every constituency to throw out their own people
and put in a party whose avowed policy would be to repeal the Employers'
Liability Act (Extended), the Strikes Act, the Unemployed Act, the
Amended Companies Act, the Ecclesiastical Property Act, the infamous
Necessity Act, and a score of other preposterous Acts of Injustice
before they even gave their attention to anything else, had long been
recognised to be grotesque. A League, therefore, which spoke of working
towards freedom on constitutional lines fell flat. The newspapers
noticed it in their various individual fashions, and all but the
Government organs extended to it a welcome of cold despair. The general
reader gathered the impression that he might look for its early demise.
The first revulsion of opinion came when it was understood that Sir John
Hampden had returned to public life as the President of the League. What
his name meant to his contemporaries, how much the League gained from
his association, may be scarcely realised in an age existing under
different and more conflicting conditions. Briefly, his personality
lifted the effort into the plane--not of a national movement, for with
the nation so sharply riven by two irreconcilable interests that was
impossible, but certainly beyond all cavil as to motives and methods.
When it was further known that he was not lending his name
half-heartedly as to a forlorn hope, or returning reluctantly as from a
tardy sense of duty, men began to wonder what might lie behind.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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