The Sequel of Appomattox: A Chronicle of the Reunion of the StatesFleming, Walter L. (Walter Lynwood)
History
The Sequel of Appomattox: A Chronicle of the Reunion of the States
Fleming, Walter L. (Walter Lynwood)
Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); United States -- History -- 1865-1898
The executive plan for the restoration of the Union, begun by Lincoln
and adopted by Johnson, was, as we have seen, at first applied in all
the States which had seceded. A military governor was appointed in each
State by the President by virtue of his authority as commander in chief.
This official, aided by a civilian staff of his own choice and supported
by the United States army and other Federal agencies, reorganized the
state administration and after a few months turned the state and local
governments over to regularly elected officials. Restoration should now
have been completed, but Congress refused to admit the senators and
representatives of these States, and entered upon a fifteen months'
struggle with the President over details of the methods of the
reconstruction. Meanwhile the Southern States, though unrepresented in
Congress, continued their activities, with some interference from
Federal authorities, until Congress in 1867 declared their governments
non-existent.
The work begun by Lincoln and Johnson deserved better success. The
original plan restored to political rights only a small number of
Unionists, the lukewarm Confederates, and the unimportant. But in spite
of the threatening speeches of Johnson he used his power of pardon until
none except the most prominent leaders were excluded. The personnel of
the Johnson governments was fair. The officials were, in the main,
former Douglas Democrats and Whigs, respectable and conservative, but
not admired or loved by the people. The conventions and the legislatures
were orderly and dignified and manifested a desire to accept the
situation.
There were no political parties at first, but material for several
existed. If things had been allowed to take their course there would
have arisen a normal cleavage between former Whigs and Democrats,
between the up-country and the low country, between the slaveholders and
the nonslaveholders. The average white man in these governments was
willing to be fair to the negro but was not greatly concerned about his
future. In the view of most white people it was the white man who was
emancipated. The white districts had no desire to let the power return
to the Black Belt by giving the negro the ballot, for the vote of the
negroes, they believed, would be controlled by their former masters.
Johnson's adoption of Lincoln's plan gave notice to all that the
radicals had failed to control him. He and they had little in common;
they wished to uproot a civilization, while he wished to punish
individuals; they were not troubled by constitutional scruples, while he
was the strictest of State Rights Democrats; they thought principally of
the negro and his potentialities, while Johnson was thinking of the
emancipated white man. It is possible that Lincoln might have succeeded,
but for Johnson the task proved too great.
CHAPTER IV.
The Wards of the Nation
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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