Collectivism; Economic history; Great Britain -- Economic policy; Industrial policy; Social history; Socialism
Prisoners of war taken in set combat afforded one mode of recruitment, and
there was also the raiding of men by pirates in the outer lands and the
selling of them in the slave markets of the South. But at once the cause of
the recruitment and the permanent support of the institution of slavery was
the indigence of the man who sold himself into slavery, _or was born into
it_; for it was a rule of Pagan Slavery that the slave bred the slave, and
that even if one of the parents were free the offspring was a slave.
The society of antiquity, therefore, was normally divided (as must at last
be the society of any servile state) into clearly marked sections: there
was upon the one hand the citizen who had a voice in the conduct of the
State, who would often labour--but labour of his own free will--and who was
normally possessed of property; upon the other hand, there was a mass
dispossessed of the means of production and compelled by positive law to
labour at command.
It is true that in the further developments of society the accumulation of
private savings by a slave was tolerated and that slaves so favoured did
sometimes purchase their freedom.
It is further true that in the confusion of the last generations of
Paganism there arose in some of the great cities a considerable class of
men who, though free, were dispossessed of the means of production. But
these last never existed in a sufficient proportion to stamp the whole
State of society with a character drawn from their proletarian
circumstance. To the end the Pagan world remained a world of free
proprietors possessed, in various degrees, of the land and of the capital
whereby wealth may be produced, and applying to that land and capital for
the purpose of producing wealth, _compulsory_ labour.
Certain features in that original Servile State from which we all spring
should be carefully noted by way of conclusion.
First, though all nowadays contrast slavery with freedom to the advantage
of the latter, yet men then accepted slavery freely as an alternative to
indigence.
Secondly (and this is most important for our judgment of the Servile
Institution as a whole, and of the chances of its return), in all those
centuries we find no organised effort, nor (what is still more significant)
do we find any _complaint of conscience_ against the institution which
condemned the bulk of human beings to forced labour.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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