Collectivism; Economic history; Great Britain -- Economic policy; Industrial policy; Social history; Socialism
Property remains as an instinct perhaps with most of the citizens; as an
experience and a reality it is unknown to nineteen out of twenty. One
hundred forms of fraud, the necessary corollary of unrestrained competition
between a few and of unrestrained avarice as the motive controlling
production, are not or cannot be punished: petty forms of violence in theft
and of cunning in fraud the laws can deal with, but they cannot deal with
these alone. Our legal machinery has become little more than an engine for
protecting the few owners against the necessities, the demands, or the
hatred of the mass of their dispossessed fellow-citizens. The vast bulk of
so-called "free" contracts are to-day leonine contracts: arrangements which
one man was free to take or to leave, but which the other man was not free
to take or to leave, because the second had for his alternative starvation.
Most important of all, the fundamental social fact of our movement, far
more important than any security afforded by law, or than any machinery
which the State can put into action, is the fact that livelihood is at the
will of the possessors. It can be granted by the possessors to the
non-possessors, or it can be withheld. The real sanction in our society for
the arrangements by which it is conducted is not punishment enforceable by
the Courts, but the withholding of _livelihood_ from the dispossessed by
the possessors. Most men now fear the loss of employment more than they
fear legal punishment, and the discipline under which men are coerced in
their modern forms of activity in England is the fear of dismissal. The
true master of the Englishman to-day is not the Sovereign nor the officers
of State, nor, save indirectly, the laws; his true master is the
Capitalist.
Of these main truths everyone is aware; and anyone who sets out to deny
them does so to-day at the peril of his reputation either for honesty or
for intelligence.
If it be asked why things have come to a head so late (Capitalism having
been in growth for so long), the answer is that England, even now the most
completely Capitalist State of the modern world, did not itself become a
completely Capitalist State until the present generation. Within the memory
of men now living half England was agricultural, with relations domestic
rather than competitive between the various human factors to production.
This moral strain, therefore, arising from the divergence between what our
laws and moral phrases pretend, and what our society actually is, makes of
that society an utterly unstable thing.
This spiritual thesis is of far greater gravity than the narrow materialism
of a generation now passing might imagine. Spiritual conflict is more
fruitful of instability in the State than conflict of any other kind, and
there is acute spiritual conflict, conflict in every man's conscience and
ill-ease throughout the commonwealth when the realities of society are
divorced from the moral base of its institution.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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