Collectivism; Economic history; Great Britain -- Economic policy; Industrial policy; Social history; Socialism
Similarly, that State is not servile in which _all_ citizens are liable to
submit their energies to the compulsion of positive law, and must labour at
the discretion of State officials. By loose metaphor and for rhetorical
purposes men who dislike Collectivism (for instance) or the discipline of a
regiment will talk of the "servile" conditions of such organisations. But
for the purposes of strict definition and clear thinking it is essential to
remember that a servile condition only exists by contrast with a free
condition. The servile condition is present in society only when there is
also present the free citizen for whose benefit the slave works under the
compulsion of positive law.
Again, it should be noted that this word "servile" in no way connotes the
worst, nor even necessarily a bad, arrangement of society, This point is so
clear that it should hardly delay us; but a confusion between the
rhetorical and the precise use of the word servile I have discovered to
embarrass public discussion of the matter so much that I must once more
emphasise what should be self-evident.
The discussion as to whether the institution of slavery be a good or a bad
one, or be relatively better or worse than other alternative institutions,
has nothing whatever to do with the exact definition of that institution.
Thus Monarchy consists in throwing the responsibility for the direction of
society upon an individual. One can imagine some Roman of the first century
praising the new Imperial power, but through a muddle-headed tradition
against "kings" swearing that he would never tolerate a "monarchy." Such a
fellow would have been a very futile critic of public affairs under Trajan,
but no more futile than a man who swears that nothing shall make him a
"slave," though well prepared to accept laws that compel him to labour
without his consent, under the force of public law, and upon terms dictated
by others.
Many would argue that a man so compelled to labour, guaranteed against
insecurity and against insufficiency of food, housing and clothing,
promised subsistence for his old age, and a similar set of advantages for
his posterity, would be a great deal better off than a free man lacking all
these things. But the argument does not affect the definition attaching to
the word servile. A devout Christian of blameless life drifting upon an
ice-flow in the Arctic night, without food or any prospect of succour, is
not so comfortably circumstanced as the Khedive of Egypt; but it would be
folly in establishing the definition of the words "Christian" and
"Mahommedan" to bring this contrast into account.
We must then, throughout this inquiry, keep strictly to the economic aspect
of the case. Only when that is established and when the modern tendency to
the re-establishment of slavery is clear, are we free to discuss the
advantages and disadvantages of the revolution through which we are
passing.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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