Municipal government -- United States; Political corruption -- United States
One legislator consulted a lawyer with the intention of suing a firm to
recover an unpaid balance on a fee for the grant of a switch-way. Such
difficulties rarely occurred, however. In order to insure a regular and
indisputable revenue, the combine of each house drew up a schedule of
bribery prices for all possible sorts of grants, just such a list as a
commercial traveler takes out on the road with him. There was a price
for a grain elevator, a price for a short switch; side tracks were
charged for by the linear foot, but at rates which varied according to
the nature of the ground taken; a street improvement cost so much; wharf
space was classified and precisely rated. As there was a scale for
favorable legislation, so there was one for defeating bills. It made a
difference in the price if there was opposition, and it made a
difference whether the privilege asked was legitimate or not. But
nothing was passed free of charge. Many of the legislators were
saloon-keepers—it was in St. Louis that a practical joker nearly emptied
the House of Delegates by tipping a boy to rush into a session and call
out, “Mister, your saloon is on fire,”—but even the saloon-keepers of a
neighborhood had to pay to keep in their inconvenient locality a market
which public interest would have moved.
From the Assembly, bribery spread into other departments. Men empowered
to issue peddlers’ licenses and permits to citizens who wished to erect
awnings or use a portion of the sidewalk for storage purposes charged an
amount in excess of the prices stipulated by law, and pocketed the
difference. The city’s money was loaned at interest, and the interest
was converted into private bank accounts. City carriages were used by
the wives and children of city officials. Supplies for public
institutions found their way to private tables; one itemized account of
food furnished the poorhouse included California jellies, imported
cheeses, and French wines! A member of the Assembly caused the
incorporation of a grocery company, with his sons and daughters the
ostensible stockholders, and succeeded in having his bid for city
supplies accepted although the figures were in excess of his
competitors’. In return for the favor thus shown, he indorsed a measure
to award the contract for city printing to another member, and these two
voted aye on a bill granting to a third the exclusive right to furnish
city dispensaries with drugs.
Men ran into debt to the extent of thousands of dollars for the sake of
election to either branch of the Assembly. One night, on a street car
going to the City Hall, a new member remarked that the nickel he handed
the conductor was his last. The next day he deposited $5,000 in a
savings bank. A member of the House of Delegates admitted to the Grand
Jury that his dividends from the combine netted $25,000 in one year; a
Councilman stated that he was paid $50,000 for his vote on a single
measure.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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