Municipal government -- United States; Political corruption -- United States
Because, I heard, the American people won’t “stand for” it. You may
blame the politicians, or, indeed, any one class, but not all classes,
not the people. Or you may put it on the ignorant foreign immigrant, or
any one nationality, but not on all nationalities, not on the American
people. But no one class is at fault, nor any one breed, nor any
particular interest or group of interests. The misgovernment of the
American people is misgovernment by the American people.
When I set out on my travels, an honest New Yorker told me honestly that
I would find that the Irish, the Catholic Irish, were at the bottom of
it all everywhere. The first city I went to was St. Louis, a German
city. The next was Minneapolis, a Scandinavian city, with a leadership
of New Englanders. Then came Pittsburg, Scotch Presbyterian, and that
was what my New York friend was. “Ah, but they are all foreign
populations,” I heard. The next city was Philadelphia, the purest
American community of all, and the most hopeless. And after that came
Chicago and New York, both mongrel-bred, but the one a triumph of
reform, the other the best example of good government that I had seen.
The “foreign element” excuse is one of the hypocritical lies that save
us from the clear sight of ourselves.
Another such conceit of our egotism is that which deplores our politics
and lauds our business. This is the wail of the typical American
citizen. Now, the typical American citizen is the business man. The
typical business man is a bad citizen; he is busy. If he is a “big
business man” and very busy, he does not neglect, he is busy with
politics, oh, very busy and very businesslike. I found him buying
boodlers in St. Louis, defending grafters in Minneapolis, originating
corruption in Pittsburg, sharing with bosses in Philadelphia, deploring
reform in Chicago, and beating good government with corruption funds in
New York. He is a self-righteous fraud, this business man. He is the
chief source of corruption, and it were a boon if he would neglect
politics. But he is not the business man that neglects politics; that
worthy is the good citizen, the typical business man. He too is busy, he
is the one that has no use and therefore no time for politics. When his
neglect has permitted bad government to go so far that he can be stirred
to action, he is unhappy, and he looks around for a cure that shall be
quick, so that he may hurry back to the shop. Naturally, too, when he
talks politics, he talks shop. His patent remedy is quack; it is
business.
“Give us a business man,” he says (“like me,” he means). “Let him
introduce business methods into politics and government; then I shall be
left alone to attend to my business.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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