Municipal government -- United States; Political corruption -- United States
The commercial spirit is the spirit of profit, not patriotism; of
credit, not honor; of individual gain, not national prosperity; of trade
and dickering, not principle. “My business is sacred,” says the business
man in his heart. “Whatever prospers my business, is good; it must be.
Whatever hinders it, is wrong; it must be. A bribe is bad, that is, it
is a bad thing to take; but it is not so bad to give one, not if it is
necessary to my business.” “Business is business” is not a political
sentiment, but our politician has caught it. He takes essentially the
same view of the bribe, only he saves his self-respect by piling all his
contempt upon the bribe-giver, and he has the great advantage of candor.
“It is wrong, maybe,” he says, “but if a rich merchant can afford to do
business with me for the sake of a convenience or to increase his
already great wealth, I can afford, for the sake of a living, to meet
him half way. I make no pretensions to virtue, not even on Sunday.” And
as for giving bad government or good, how about the merchant who gives
bad goods or good goods, according to the demand?
But there is hope, not alone despair, in the commercialism of our
politics. If our political leaders are to be always a lot of political
merchants, they will supply any demand we may create. All we have to do
is to establish a steady demand for good government. The boss has us
split up into parties. To him parties are nothing but means to his
corrupt ends. He “bolts” his party, but we must not; the bribe-giver
changes his party, from one election to another, from one county to
another, from one city to another, but the honest voter must not. Why?
Because if the honest voter cared no more for his party than the
politician and the grafter, then the honest vote would govern, and that
would be bad—for graft. It is idiotic, this devotion to a machine that
is used to take our sovereignty from us. If we would leave parties to
the politicians, and would vote not for the party, not even for men, but
for the city, and the State, and the nation, we should rule parties, and
cities, and States, and nation. If we would vote in mass on the more
promising ticket, or, if the two are equally bad, would throw out the
party that is in, and wait till the next election and then throw out the
other party that is in—then, I say, the commercial politician would feel
a demand for good government and he would supply it. That process would
take a generation or more to complete, for the politicians now really do
not know what good government is. But it has taken as long to develop
bad government, and the politicians know what that is. If it would not
“go,” they would offer something else, and, if the demand were steady,
they, being so commercial, would “deliver the goods.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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