Municipal government -- United States; Political corruption -- United States
The people are not innocent. That is the only “news” in all the
journalism of these articles, and no doubt that was not new to many
observers. It was to me. When I set out to describe the corrupt systems
of certain typical cities, I meant to show simply how the people were
deceived and betrayed. But in the very first study—St. Louis—the
startling truth lay bare that corruption was not merely political; it
was financial, commercial, social; the ramifications of boodle were so
complex, various, and far-reaching, that one mind could hardly grasp
them, and not even Joseph W. Folk, the tireless prosecutor, could follow
them all. This state of things was indicated in the first article which
Claude H. Wetmore and I compiled together, but it was not shown plainly
enough. Mr. Wetmore lived in St. Louis, and he had respect for names
which meant little to me. But when I went next to Minneapolis alone, I
could see more independently, without respect for persons, and there
were traces of the same phenomenon. The first St. Louis article was
called “Tweed Days in St. Louis,” and though the “better citizen”
received attention the Tweeds were the center of interest. In “The Shame
of Minneapolis,” the truth was put into the title; it was the Shame of
Minneapolis; not of the Ames administration, not of the Tweeds, but of
the city and its citizens. And yet Minneapolis was not nearly so bad as
St. Louis; police graft is never so universal as boodle. It is more
shocking, but it is so filthy that it cannot involve so large a part of
society. So I returned to St. Louis, and I went over the whole ground
again, with the people in mind, not alone the caught and convicted
boodlers. And this time the true meaning of “Tweed days in St. Louis”
was made plain. The article was called “The Shamelessness of St. Louis,”
and that was the burden of the story. In Pittsburg also the people was
the subject, and though the civic spirit there was better, the extent of
the corruption throughout the social organization of the community was
indicated. But it was not till I got to Philadelphia that the
possibilities of popular corruption were worked out to the limit of
humiliating confession. That was the place for such a study. There is
nothing like it in the country, except possibly, in Cincinnati.
Philadelphia certainly is not merely corrupt, but corrupted, and this
was made clear. Philadelphia was charged up to—the American citizen.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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