no longer depended on the temper of the nation or the strength of a party, but on the _will of the ruler_, and they were content to bide their time. _Among the people they had no following whatsoever._ But whichever party is in power by the will of the ruler is assured of a majority in the Parliament. Elections are invariably manipulated by terroristic pressure from the authorities. There is no difference except that, whereas the pro-Russian parties are content to employ demagogic means, the Stambulovists have had recourse to bloodshed. At last the Stambulovists were successful; they came into power in 1902—(in accordance with the wish of the highest power in the land)—and established a reign of terror equal to that of Stambuloff himself in its cruelty, but breaking all previous records as regards corruption. The Stambulovists commanded a crushing majority in the Sobranye (Parliament) and pursued a policy of secret provocations against Russia and the nation. General Ratsho Petroff, a personal favourite of King Ferdinand and an absolute nonentity, was the Premier; but the actual dictator and leader of the Stambulovist party was Dushan Petkoff, Minister of the Interior. Once more the policy of the Government took an anti-Russian trend, but in the meantime the nation had developed and steadfastly pursued a different policy. To be sure, under compulsion they had given the Government a _majority_ but not their heart, and this heart now belonged to Russia more than ever. This sentiment found expression in various violent demonstrations; it culminated in the assassination of Petkoff (likewise in the open street) and in the abuse showered upon King Ferdinand as he drove to the opening of the National Theatre at Sofia. From that point Bulgarian policy took a totally new turn, and for a time it seemed as if the Slav renaissance had really taken root and Bulgaria had at last found herself. The Balkan Alliance before the war certainly seemed strong evidence of it. * * * * *