The slave trade : $b Slavery and colorJervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
History
The slave trade : $b Slavery and color
Jervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
African Americans; Slave trade -- United States; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Race relations
Yet during the exciting days of 1876 when both houses of
representatives were meeting, it was W. H. Thomas upon whom the
Republicans depended for brain work. He was made a member of the
committee on credentials and, as chairman, reported in favor of the
seating of the Republican contestants carrying the majority of the
committee with him, although opposed by T. E. Miller, an octaroon or
quadroon of considerable intelligence, who asked for fifteen minutes to
reply to Thomas.
Miller later stated that he had refused to sign the report, because he
thought that the Democratic contestees ought to have been heard. When
he was beaten, he declared he had changed his mind, stating that it was
their own fault, if they were not present, and announcing he was ready
to sign the report. It was reported that Thomas had, upon this second
utterance, made an inflammatory speech; but no part of it was published
by the paper so declaring, which, upon the next day’s report, announced
that in the midst of the stormy session, Thomas offered a prayer.[220]
Thomas was on the committee of Ways and Means and the Judiciary,
and, until the collapse of the Republicans, seems to have been the
individual most relied upon by the Speaker for all the serious work of
the session.
Contemporaneously with the overthrow of the Negro governments of South
Carolina and Louisiana, the report opposing admission of colored
delegates to the Diocesan Convention was sustained.
In 1879 the question came up again in a shape harder to resist and
resting upon the example of the diocese of Virginia. The law-making
power of South Carolina had, however, meanwhile enacted a statute
making it—
“Unlawful for any white man to intermarry with any Negro, mulatto,
Indian or mestizo; or for any white woman to intermarry with any other
than a white man.”[221]
Accordingly the lay delegates firmly opposed any union whatever,
whether of clerical or lay members, with regard to the two races in the
South.
Now if it is borne in mind that not only Calhoun, whose influence
upon political thought in South Carolina had for many years been all
pervasive; but also the profoundest student who has ever studied
America, de Tocqueville, had condemned “all intermediate measures” and
declared that unless the whites remained isolated from the colored race
in the South, there must come either miscegenation or extirpation, at
no time could the forecast of the future of that section have been as
gloomy as that which appeared in the Census figures of 1880.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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