The social contract & discoursesRousseau, Jean-Jacques
Philosophy
The social contract & discourses
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques
Economics; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Social contract
Where right and liberty are everything, disadvantages count for
nothing. Among this wise people everything was given its just value,
its lictors were allowed to do what its tribunes would never have dared
to attempt; for it had no fear that its lictors would try to represent
it.
To explain, however, in what way the tribunes did sometimes represent
it, it is enough to conceive how the government represents the
Sovereign. Law being purely the declaration of the general will, it is
clear that, in the exercise of the legislative power, the people cannot
be represented; but in that of the executive power, which is only the
force that is applied to give the law effect, it both can and should be
represented. We thus see that if we looked closely into the matter we
should find that very few nations have any laws. However that may be,
it is certain that the tribunes, possessing no executive power, could
never represent the Roman people by right of the powers entrusted to
them, but only by usurping those of the senate.
In Greece, all that the people had to do, it did for itself; it was
constantly assembled in the public square. The Greeks lived in a mild
climate; they had no natural greed; slaves did their work for them;
their great concern was with liberty. Lacking the same advantages, how
can you preserve the same rights? Your severer climates add to your
needs;[1] for half the year your public squares are uninhabitable; the
flatness of your languages unfits them for being heard in the open air;
you sacrifice more for profit than for liberty, and fear slavery less
than poverty.
What then? Is liberty maintained only by the help of slavery? It may be
so. Extremes meet. Everything that is not in the course of nature has
its disadvantages, civil society most of all. There are some unhappy
circumstances in which we can only keep our liberty at others' expense,
and where the citizen can be perfectly free only when the slave is most
a slave. Such was the case with Sparta. As for you, modern peoples,
you have no slaves, but you are slaves yourselves; you pay for their
liberty with your own. It is in vain that you boast of this preference;
I find in it more cowardice than humanity.
I do not mean by all this that it is necessary to have slaves, or that
the right of slavery is legitimate: I am merely giving the reasons why
modern peoples, believing themselves to be free, have representatives,
while ancient peoples had none. In any case, the moment a people allows
itself to be represented, it is no longer free: it no longer exists.
All things considered, I do not see that it is possible henceforth for
the Sovereign to preserve among us the exercise of its rights, unless
the city is very small. But if it is very small, it will be conquered?
No. I will show later on how the external strength of a great people[2]
may be combined with the convenient polity and good order of a small
State.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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