The social contract & discoursesRousseau, Jean-Jacques
Philosophy
The social contract & discourses
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques
Economics; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Social contract
When therefore the people sets up an hereditary government, whether
it be monarchical and confined to one family, or aristocratic and
confined to a class, what it enters into is not an undertaking; the
administration is given a provisional form, until the people chooses to
order it otherwise.
It is true that such changes are always dangerous, and that the
established government should never be touched except when it comes
to be incompatible with the public good; but the circumspection this
involves is a maxim of policy and not a rule of right, and the State is
no more bound to leave civil authority in the hands of its rulers than
military authority in the hands of its generals.
It is also true that it is impossible to be too careful to observe,
in such cases, all the formalities necessary to distinguish a regular
and legitimate act from a seditious tumult, and the will of a whole
people from the clamour of a faction. Here above all no further
concession should be made to the untoward possibility than cannot, in
the strictest logic, be refused it. From this obligation the prince
derives a great advantage in preserving his power despite the people,
without it being possible to say he has usurped it; for, seeming to
avail himself only of his rights, he finds it very easy to extend them,
and to prevent, under the pretext of keeping the peace, assemblies that
are destined to the re-establishment of order; with the result that he
takes advantage of a silence he does not allow to be broken, or of
irregularities he causes to be committed, to assume that he has the
support of those whom fear prevents from speaking, and to punish those
who dare to speak. Thus it was that the decemvirs, first elected for
one year and then kept on in office for a second, tried to perpetuate
their power by forbidding the comitia to assemble; and by this easy
method every government in the world, once clothed with the public
power, sooner or later usurps the sovereign authority.
The periodical assemblies of which I have already spoken are designed
to prevent or postpone this calamity, above all when they need no
formal summoning; for in that case, the prince cannot stop them without
openly declaring himself a law-breaker and an enemy of the State.
The opening of these assemblies, whose sole object is the maintenance
of the social treaty, should always take the form of putting two
propositions that may not be suppressed, which should be voted on
separately.
The first is: "Does it please the Sovereign to preserve the present
form of government?"
The second is: "Does it please the people to leave its administration
in the hands of those who are actually in charge of it?"
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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