The social contract & discoursesRousseau, Jean-Jacques
Philosophy
The social contract & discourses
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques
Economics; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Social contract
I am here assuming what I think I have shown; that there is in the
State no fundamental law that cannot be revoked, not excluding the
social compact itself; for if all the citizens assembled of one accord
to break the compact, it is impossible to doubt that it would be very
legitimately broken. Grotius even thinks that each man can renounce his
membership of his own State, and recover his natural liberty and his
goods on leaving the country.[1] It would be indeed absurd if all the
citizens in assembly could not do what each can do by himself.
[1] Provided, of course, he does not leave to escape his obligations
and avoid having to serve his country in the hour of need. Flight
in such a case would be criminal and punishable, and would be, not
withdrawal, but desertion.
BOOK IV
CHAPTER I
THAT THE GENERAL WILL IS INDESTRUCTIBLE
As long as several men in assembly regard themselves as a single body,
they have only a single will which is concerned with their common
preservation and general well-being. In this case, all the springs of
the State are vigorous and simple and its rules clear and luminous;
there are no embroilments or conflicts of interests; the common good is
everywhere clearly apparent, and only good sense is needed to perceive
it. Peace, unity and equality are the enemies of political subtleties.
Men who are upright and simple are difficult to deceive because of
their simplicity; lures and ingenious pretexts fail to impose upon
them, and they are not even subtle enough to be dupes. When, among the
happiest people in the world, bands of peasants are seen regulating
affairs of State under an oak, and always acting wisely, can we help
scorning the ingenious methods of other nations, which make themselves
illustrious and wretched with so much art and mystery?
A State so governed needs very few laws; and, as it becomes necessary
to issue new ones, the necessity is universally seen. The first man to
propose them merely says what all have already felt, and there is no
question of factions or intrigues or eloquence in order to secure the
passage into law of what every one has already decided to do, as soon
as he is sure that the rest will act with him.
Theorists are led into error because, seeing only States that have
been from the beginning wrongly constituted, they are struck by the
impossibility of applying such a policy to them. They make great game
of all the absurdities a clever rascal or an insinuating speaker might
get the people of Paris or London to believe. They do not know that
Cromwell would have been put to "the bells" by the people of Berne, and
the Due de Beaufort on the treadmill by the Genevese.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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