So Dr. Kelly went to work. As a constitutional historian, he acknowledged what the South’s attorneys were to contend, that the Fourteenth Amendment was the direct outgrowth of the Civil Rights Act of 1866. He did what a Southern lawyer or anyone else would do under the circumstances: He went to the _Congressional Globe_ for the first session of the Thirty-ninth Congress of 1866 and read the debates himself. To his intense dismay, he found the _Globe_ “had a good deal to say about school segregation.” And at first blush, “most of what appeared there looked rather decidedly bad....” Indeed, it looked as if John W. Davis, arguing the case for the South Carolina defendants, “would win the historical argument hands down!” But Dr. Kelly spat on his hands and went to work. In the course of time, by his own candid and tortured admission, “I ceased to function as a historian, and, instead, took up the practice of law without a license.” The problem we faced was not the historian’s discovery of truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth; the problem instead was the formulation of an adequate gloss on the fateful events of 1866 sufficient to convince the Court that we had something of an historical case.... It is not that we were engaged in formulating lies; there was nothing as crude and naive as that. But we were using facts, emphasizing facts, bearing down on facts, sliding off facts, quietly ignoring facts and, above all, interpreting facts in a way to do what Marshall said we had to do--“get by those boys down there.” Charitably, a curtain may be drawn over the agonizing sessions that Dr. Kelly and his associates, sincerely wedded to a social and legal cause, spent in pacing up and down a suite in the NAACP’s headquarters on West 40th Street in New York, dictating and arguing and glossing over, “hammering out a strategy” that would contain some essential measure of historical truth, but yet ... but yet.... They produced a 235-page brief. It must stand as a pathetic monument to what happens when historians cease to be historians and take up the unlicensed practice of law. The conclusions there drawn, that the “proponents of absolute equalitarianism emerged victorious in the Civil War and controlled the Congress that wrote the Fourteenth Amendment,” are a bitter travesty upon the actual course of events. For it is plain to any objective student--to any man who will stand still long enough to ask and receive an answer to the elementary question, _What happened?_--that no such thing occurred. The visible, palpable, unrelenting, unavoidable truth is that Sumner and Stevens and their fellow radicals did not control the Congress in 1866; they did _not_ get what they wanted in the Fourteenth Amendment; they got half a loaf at most: And the proof of the pudding may be found where it always lies, in what happened after the amendment was adopted.