The Southern Case for School SegregationKilpatrick, James Jackson
History
The Southern Case for School Segregation
Kilpatrick, James Jackson
African Americans -- Segregation; Segregation -- Southern States
Would an act of Congress prohibiting the States from maintaining
racially separate schools be “appropriate legislation, enforcing
the provisions of this article”? The framers of the Fourteenth
Amendment did not think so. They did not regard the right to attend a
particular school as a “civil right.” Well after the amendment became
operative, Sumner and other abolitionist leaders in the Congress
several times introduced legislation having this end; twice they got
such a bill through the Senate (1872 and 1874), on tie votes broken
by the Vice-President, but they were never able to get a bill through
the House. And in the Civil Rights Act of 1875, an effort to prohibit
racially separate schools was defeated decisively.
The power vested in Congress in the fifth section is no general grant
of power. It is limited to legislation appropriate to enforcing the
provisions “of this article.” And until it can be shown that one of
the provisions “of this article” was intended to prohibit to the
States the power to maintain racially separate schools, it cannot be
shown that Congress appropriately could enact legislation having that
end.
No provision of the Fourteenth Amendment imposes such a prohibition
on the States. Therefore, no act of the Congress validly could seek
to enforce such a prohibition.
And surely it is all the more evident, to get at Questions 2 (b)
and 3, that nothing in the Fourteenth Amendment, or in any other
provision of the Constitution or act of Congress, ever was intended
to give the Supreme Court the power to abolish segregation in public
schools by its own fiat. If the power to accomplish this end rested
in Federal authority at all, it rested in the hands of the Congress.
The court might decide whether an act of the Congress prohibiting
such schools in the States were “appropriate legislation” to enforce
provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment, but the court has no
legislative authority of any sort. As the court itself said in the
_Slaughter-House Cases_, the amendment was not intended to make the
court “a perpetual censor upon all legislation of the States, on the
civil rights of their own citizens, with authority to nullify such as
it did not approve as consistent with those rights as they existed at
the time of the adoption of this amendment.”
Question 3, it will be noticed, goes beyond Question 2 (b). In
Question 2 (b), the court was still concerned with the intention of
the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment: Did the framers understand
in 1866 that some day the court, in the light of future conditions,
could construe the amendment to abolish school segregation of its own
force? But in Question 3, the framers are abandoned: Is it within
the judicial power _today_, the court inquired, without regard to
history, for the court itself to abolish school segregation by
placing a new construction on the amendment?
In the brief they filed in response to the court’s inquiries,
attorneys for the Southern States said this:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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