The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. II., No. 10, September, 1836Various
General
The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. II., No. 10, September, 1836
Various
American literature -- 19th century -- Periodicals
If they cannot instruct they
cannot insist upon attendance. The word “_especially_” here shows that
the writers of the Federalist did not consider the influence of the
States and of their Senators as by any means synonimous, but looked to
the former to control the latter, by appointing proper persons, or
such as would obey.
The Judge thinks this power cannot flow, from the circumstance of the
Senators receiving their _appointment_ from the State Legislatures. He
says, the President and Senate _appoint_ Judges—“but are they to obey
them?” Surely not. The Judges do not, either in fact or in theory,
_represent_ the President and Senate. Nor are they appointed to attend
to their interests or _legislate_ for them. The power does not flow
from the faculty of appointing, but from the relation of constituent
and representative. The Judge is elected for the soundness of his
judgment, his knowledge of law, and his nice powers of discrimination
in deciding controversies between the parties before him. He is the
agent of nobody, and represents only the justice of the country, which
requires him to be free from any extraneous influence. The Senator is
elected for the skill and ability and faithfulness with which he will
_represent_ our interests and wishes. He is our attorney, not our
judge. He is under our control, and we are not subject to his
jurisdiction.
Let us suppose with the Judge, the case of a number of attornies, with
powers irrevocable for six years, and indefinite within certain
limits—the acts of a majority of attornies to be binding on all the
principals, but the power of choosing any individual as attorney left
open to the principals. Could they not be instructed? Could not the
principals require a valid bond and security to obey or resign? If the
attornies could judge exclusively of the limitations, and could bind
their principals, might they not be tyrants and absorb all the
fortunes of their principals. If selected to attend to the foreign
trade of a set of merchants, they might control their domestic trade
and interfere in their household matters. What injustice is done to
any principal when the same right is extended to all? Is there not
reciprocity? Is the right not a necessary protection? If a minority
instructs for bad purposes it is overruled; if a majority instructs,
its will ought to prevail. The advocate of the opposite doctrine
supposes a right of the co-principals in the will of the delegate in
opposition to that of his master, to be violated by our doctrine. Is
this a part of the bargain?—a legitimate advantage?—Is the association
not for mutual advantage, but to enable the cunning man to overreach
his copartner by the ignorance or treachery of his agent? What may be
a gain to-day may be a source of ruin to-morrow. Unless this game of
overreaching is played, where is the loss by instructions? They must
be either out-voted, or accord with the will of a majority. Do not
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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