"Yes, that’s one way of putting it, but it’s really wages. It’s the wages that the employer draws for his executive ability: he must be paid for his work if his employees are paid for theirs. It’s the fair return that he gets for the risk he’s run in starting his business, and it’s his reward for his years of saving up his money till he had enough to start that business." Luke agreed. "Of course," said he, "we don’t want the man that’s done these things to use his power so as to prevent other men from doing them, but we haven’t any right to take from him what he’s earned or to stop him from going on earning it." In much Ruysdael’s manner, Luke’s father, during Luke’s visits to his home in Americus, would talk of government. Government, by which he meant the particular form of government adopted by the United States, was one of the few topics that could move the Congressman from his characteristic reticence. He scorned the tyranny of Russia and the English make-shift of a constitutional monarchy. In the United States the people could rule; the means were provided; if they failed now and then, it was for a brief time only. To Mr. Huber the majority was as infallible in matters of government as, in matters of faith, the Pope is to a devout Catholic, and the hope of the majority lay in that party which had freed the negro from slavery and saved the country from disruption. To these ideals Luke was true. He saw the rottenness of Tammany rule in New York and knew it for a symptom of the disease that made a national danger of the entire rank and file of the Democrats; he saw the integrity of Leighton, and accepted it as a true token of Republican virtue. He wanted the government restored to its pristine simplicity, wealth curbed of its newly developed predatory instincts, religion restored to its place in the daily thought and conduct of man. §3. Leighton’s announced intention to "clean up" New York was proving, nevertheless, a slow process. He had great difficulty in obtaining evidence against the Democratic politicians whose scalps he had promised to hang to the belt of the public. Grand Juries had a way of including enough partisans of these politicians to prevent the finding of true bills. When true bills were found, petty juries generally contained enough Democrats to persuade the other jurors to acquit or to hold out for a disagreement. Even when convictions were secured, the appeals had to be argued before appellate courts composed of men that owed their positions to friends of the appellants. "It’s rotten luck," said Leighton, "but I believe they’ve got us scotched. We’ve tried seven cases, four of them twice and two three times; we’ve had our hands full with appeals, and the only one of the lot that we’ve sent to jail is a peanut politician from Second Avenue who doesn’t control ten votes." "Yes," said O’Mara, "and they let _him_ go because they believed he was getting ready to go back on them next election."