National characteristics, American; United States -- Civilization
In the large cities, especially, this sense of impotence is likely to
trouble the intelligent and conscientious American. For here a species
of man has developed called the _Boss_, who takes possession of the
political machinery and uses it for his own purposes. He controls the
party through a faction, and the faction through a gang, and the gang
through a ring, and the ring by his own will, which is usually neither
sweet nor savoury. He virtually owns the public franchises, the public
offices, the public payroll. Like Rob Roy or Robin Hood, he takes
tribute from the rich and distributes it to the poor,--for a
consideration; namely, their personal loyalty to him. He leads his
followers to the polls as a feudal chief led his retainers to battle.
And the men whom he has chosen, the policies which he approves, are the
ones that win.
What does this mean? The downfall of democracy? No; only the human
weakness of the system in which democracy has sought to reach its ends;
only the failure in duty, in many cases, of the very men who ought to
have watched over the system in order to prevent its corruption.
It is because good men in America too often neglect politics that bad
men sometimes control them. And, after all, when the evil goes far
enough, it secretes its own remedy,--popular discontent, a reform
movement, a peaceful revolution. The way is open. Speech is free. There
is no need of pikes and barricades and firebrands. There is a more
powerful weapon in every man's hand. Persuade him to use it for his own
good. Combine the forces of intelligence and conscience, and the city
which sees its own interest will find out how to secure it.
But the trouble, with such a mass of voters, is to produce this
awakening, to secure this combination of better forces. It is a trouble
which Americans often feel deeply, and of which they sometimes complain
bitterly. But after all, if you can get down to the bottom of their
minds, you will find that they would rather take their trouble in this
form than in any other. They feel that there is something wholesome and
bracing in the idea that people must want good government before they
can get it. And for the sake of this they are willing, upon the whole,
and except during intervals, to give that eternal vigilance which is the
price of fair play.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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