The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Now, when we consider what an immense space the administrative powers
of the State had so long filled in France, the numerous interests
which were daily affected by them, and all that depended upon them or
stood in need of their co-operation; when we reflect that it was to
the Government rather than to themselves that private persons looked
for the success of their own affairs, for the encouragement of their
manufactures, to ensure their means of subsistence, to lay out and keep
up their roads, to maintain their tranquillity, and to preserve their
wealth, we shall have some idea of the infinite number of people who
were personally injured by the evils from which the administration of
the kingdom was suffering.
But it was in the villages that the defects of the new organisation
were most strongly felt; in them it not only disturbed the course
of authority, it likewise suddenly changed the relative position of
society, and brought every class into collision.
When, in 1775, Turgot proposed to the King to reform the administration
of the rural districts, the greatest difficulty he encountered, as he
himself informs us, arose from the unequal incidence of taxation: for
how was it possible to make men who were not all liable to contribute
in the same manner, and some of whom were altogether exempt from
taxation, act and deliberate together on parochial affairs relating
chiefly to the assessment and the collection of those very taxes and
the purposes to which they were to be applied? Every parish contained
nobles and the clergy who did not pay the _taille_, peasants who were
partially or wholly exempt, and others who paid it all. It was as
three distinct parishes, each of which would have demanded a separate
administration. The difficulty was insoluble.
Nowhere, indeed, was the inequality of taxation more apparent than
in the rural districts; nowhere was the population more effectually
divided into different groups frequently hostile to one another.
In order to make it possible to give to the villages a collective
administration and a free government on a small scale, it would have
been necessary to begin by subjecting all the inhabitants to an equal
taxation and lessening the distance by which the classes were divided.
This was not, however, the course taken when the reform was begun
in 1787. Within each parish the ancient distinction of classes was
maintained, together with the inequality of taxation, which was its
principal token, but, nevertheless, the whole administration was placed
in the hands of elective bodies. This instantly led to very singular
results.
When the electoral assembly met in order to choose municipal officers,
the Curé and the Seigneur were not to appear; they belonged, it was
alleged, to the orders of the nobility and the clergy, and this was
an occasion on which the commonalty had principally to choose its
representatives.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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