The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
When, however, the municipal body was once elected, the Curé and the
Seigneur were members of it by right; for it would not have been decent
altogether to exclude two such considerable inhabitants from the
government of the parish. The Seigneur even presided over the parochial
representatives in whose election he had taken no part, but in most of
their proceedings he had no voice. For instance, when the assessment
and division of the _taille_ were discussed, the Curé and the Seigneur
were not allowed to vote, for were they not both exempt from this
tax? On the other hand, the municipal council had nothing to do with
their capitation-tax, which continued to be regulated by the Intendant
according to peculiar forms.
For fear that this President, isolated as he was from the body which
he was supposed to direct, should still exert an indirect influence
prejudicial to the interests of the Order to which he did not belong,
it was demanded that the votes of his own tenants should not count; and
the Provincial Assemblies, being consulted on this point, gave it as
their opinion that this omission was proper, and entirely conformable
to principle. Other persons of noble birth, who might be inhabitants of
the parish, could not sit in the same plebeian corporation unless they
were elected by the peasants and then, as the by-laws carefully pointed
out, they were only entitled to represent the lower classes.
The Seigneur, therefore, only figured in this Assembly in a position
of absolute subjection to his former vassals, who were all at once
become his masters; he was their prisoner rather than their chief. In
gathering men together by such means as these, it seemed as if the
object was not so much to connect them more closely with each other
as to render more palpable the differences of their condition and the
incompatibility of their interests.
Was or was not the village Syndic still that discredited officer whose
duties no one would accept but upon compulsion, or was the condition
of the Syndic raised with that of the community to which he belonged
as its chief agent?[83] Even this question was not easily answered. I
have found the letter of a village bailiff, written in 1788, in which
he expresses his indignation at having been elected to the office
of Syndic, ‘which was,’ he said, ‘contrary to all the privileges of
his other post.’ To this the Comptroller-General replies that this
individual must be set right: that he must be made to understand that
he ought to be proud of the choice of his fellow-citizens; and that
moreover the new Syndics were not to resemble the local officers who
had formerly borne the same appellation, and that they would be treated
with more consideration by the Government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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