The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
I shall not relate how Louis XVI. was led by financial considerations
to convoke about him, in an assembly, the members of the nobility,
the clergy, and the upper rank of the commons, and to submit to this
body of ‘Notables’ the state of affairs. I am discussing history,
not narrating it. It is well known that this assembly, which met at
Versailles on the 22nd February, 1787, consisted of nine peers of
France, twenty noblemen, eight privy councillors, four masters of
requests, ten marshals of France, thirteen archbishops or bishops,
eighteen chief judges, twenty-two municipal officers of different
cities, twelve deputies of the provinces which had retained their
local estates, and some other magistrates--in all from 125 to 130
members.[97] Henry IV. had once before used the same means to postpone
the meeting of the States-General and to obtain without them a sort of
public sanction to his measures: but the times were changed. In 1596
France was at the close of a long revolution, wearied by her efforts,
and distrustful of her powers, seeking nothing but rest, and asking
of her rulers no more than an external deference. The Notables caused
her without difficulty to forget the States-General. But in 1787 they
only revived the recollection of them in her memory. In the reign of
Henry IV., these princes, these nobles, these bishops, these wealthy
commoners who were summoned to advise the King, were still the masters
of society. They could therefore control the movement they had set on
foot. Under Louis XVI. in 1787 these same classes retained only the
externals of power. We have seen that the substance of it was lost to
them for ever. They were, so to speak, hollow bodies, resonant but
easily crushed: still capable of exciting the people, incapable of
directing it.
This great change had come about insensibly and imperceptibly. By none
was it clearly perceived. Those most affected by it knew not that it
had taken place. Even their opponents doubted it. The whole nation had
lived so long apart from its own concerns, that it took but a hazy
view of its condition. All the evils from which it suffered seemed to
have merged in a spirit of opposition and a dislike for the existing
Government. No sooner were the Notables assembled than, forgetting
that they were the nominees of the sovereign, chosen by him to give
their advice and not their injunctions, they proceeded to act as the
representatives of the country. They demanded the public accounts,
they censured the acts of the Government, they attacked most of the
measures, the execution of which they were merely asked to facilitate.
Their assistance was sought: they proffered their opposition.
Public opinion instantly rose in their favour, and threw its whole
weight on their side. Then was witnessed the strange spectacle of a
Government proposing measures favourable to the people without ceasing
to be unpopular, and of an Assembly resisting these measures with the
support of public favour.
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