The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Thus the Government proposed to reform the salt tax (_la gabelle_),
which pressed so heavily and often so cruelly on the people. It would
have abolished forced labour, reformed the _taille_, and suppressed
the _twentieths_, a species of tax from which the upper classes had
continued to make themselves exempt. In place of these taxes, which
were to be abolished or reformed, a land-tax was to be imposed, on the
very same basis which has since become the basis of the land-tax of
France, and the custom-houses, which placed grievous restrictions on
trade and industry, were to be removed to the frontier of the kingdom.
Beside, and almost in the place of, the Intendants who administered
each province, an elective body was to be constituted, with the power
not only of watching the conduct of public business, but, in most
cases, of directing it. All these measures were conformable to the
spirit of the times. They were resisted or postponed by the Notables.
Nevertheless, the Government remained unpopular, and the Notables had
the public cry in their favour.
Fearing that he had not been understood, the Minister, Calonne,
explained in a public document that the effect of the new laws would
be to relieve the people from a portion of the taxes, and to throw
that portion on the rich. That was true, but the Minister was still
unpopular. ‘The clergy,’ said he elsewhere, ‘are, before all things,
citizens and subjects. They must pay taxes like all the rest. If the
clergy have debts, a part of their property must be sold to discharge
them.’ That again was to aim at one of the tenderest points of public
opinion: the point was touched, but the public were unmoved.
On the question of the reform of the _taille_, the Notables opposed
it on the ground that it could not relieve those who paid it without
imposing an excessive burden on the other tax-payers, especially on
the nobility and clergy, _whose privileges on the score of taxation
had already been reduced to almost nothing_. The abolition of internal
custom-houses was objected to peremptorily on behalf of the privileges
of certain provinces, which were to be treated with great forbearance.
They highly approved in principle the creation of provincial
assemblies. But they desired that, instead of uniting together the
three Orders in these small local bodies, they should be separated, and
always be presided over by a nobleman or a prelate, for, said some of
the Committees of Notables, ‘these assemblies would tend to democracy
if they were not guided by the superior lights of the first Order.’
Nevertheless, the popularity of the Notables remained unshaken to the
end: nay, it was continually on the increase. They were applauded,
incited, encouraged: and when they resisted the Government, they were
loudly cheered on to the attack. The King, hastening to dismiss them,
thought himself obliged to offer them his public thanks.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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