The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
It was a tradition of the old monarchy that the Parliament should
use in its remonstrances animated and almost violent language: a
certain exaggeration of words was conceded to it. The most absolute
sovereigns had tolerated this licence of speech, by reason, indeed,
of the powerlessness of those who uttered it: as they were certain
in the end to be reduced to obedience and compressed within narrow
limits, the indulgence of a free utterance was readily left to them.
The Parliament, moreover, was wont to make a great deal of noise for a
small result: what it said went beyond what it meant: this franchise
had become a sort of right of the magistracy.
On this occasion the Parliament carried their ancient freedom to
a degree of licence never heard before; for a new-born fire was
burning in their hearts and unconsciously inflamed their language.
Certainly, among the governments of our own time, which are almost all,
nevertheless, governments maintained by the sword, not one could allow
its ministers and its measures to be attacked in such terms by the
representatives of its own authority.
‘Despotism, Sire,’ said the Parliament of Paris, ‘is substituted
for the laws of the realm, and the magistracy is no more than the
instrument of arbitrary power.... Would that Your Majesty could
interrogate the victims of that power, confined forgotten in
impenetrable prisons, the abode of silence and injustice; those whom
intrigue, cupidity, the jealousy of power, the thirst of vengeance, the
fear or the hatred of justice, private pique or personal convenience,
have caused to be put there.’ Then drawing a parallel between two
citizens, one rich and the other poor, the latter being oppressed by
the former, the Parliament added--‘Is indigence then a crime? Have
flesh and blood no claims? Does a man without credit, or a poor man,
cease to be a citizen?’
It was especially on the subject of taxation and against the collectors
of the revenue that, even in the calmest times, the judicial bodies
were accustomed to inveigh with extreme violence. No sooner was the
new tax announced than the Parliament of Paris declared it to be
disastrous; consternation followed the proposal; its adoption would
give rise to a general mourning.[105] The population, harassed by
fiscal exactions, were at their wits’ end.[106] To arrogate to one’s
self the power of levying tribute without the States-General was to
declare aloud that the sovereign seeks not to be a king of France, but
a king of serfs.[107] The substance of the people was become the prey
of the cupidity of courtiers and the rapacity of contractors.[108]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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