The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Amongst the nine or ten constitutions which have been established in
perpetuity in France within the last sixty years, there is one in which
it was expressly provided that no agent of the administration can be
prosecuted before the ordinary courts of law without having previously
obtained the assent of the Government to such a prosecution.[29] This
clause appeared to be so well devised that when the constitution to
which it belonged was destroyed, this provision was saved from the
wreck, and it has ever since been carefully preserved from the injuries
of revolutions. The administrative body still calls the privilege
secured to them by this article one of the great conquests of 1789; but
in this they are mistaken, for under the old monarchy the Government
was not less solicitous than it is in our own times to spare its
officers the unpleasantness of rendering an account in a court of law,
like any other private citizens. The only essential difference between
the two periods is this: before the Revolution the Government could
only shelter its agents by having recourse to illegal and arbitrary
measures; since the Revolution it can legally allow them to violate the
laws.
When the ordinary tribunals of the old monarchy allowed proceedings
to be instituted against any officer representing the central
authority of the Government, an Order in Council usually intervened
to withdraw the accused person from the jurisdiction of his judges,
and to arraign him before commissioners named by the Council; for,
as was said by a councillor of state of that time, a public officer
thus attacked would have had to encounter an adverse prepossession
in the minds of the ordinary judges, and the authority of the King
would have been compromised. This sort of interference occurred not
only at long intervals, but every day--not only with reference to
the chief agents of the Government, but to the least. The slightest
thread of a connection with the administration sufficed to relieve an
officer from all other control. A mounted overseer of the Board of
Public Works, whose business was to direct the forced labour of the
peasantry, was prosecuted by a peasant whom he had ill-treated. The
Council _evoked_ the cause, and the chief engineer of the district,
writing confidentially to the Intendant, said on this subject: ‘It is
quite true that the overseer is greatly to blame, but that is not a
reason for allowing the case to follow the ordinary jurisdiction; for
it is of the utmost importance to the Board of Works that the courts of
common law should not hear or decide on the complaints of the peasants
engaged in forced labour against the overseers of these works. If this
precedent were followed, those works would be disturbed by continual
litigation, arising out of the animosity of the public against the
officers of the Government.’
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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