The Story of the Woman's PartyGillmore, Inez Haynes
History
The Story of the Woman's Party
Gillmore, Inez Haynes
National Woman's Party; Paul, Alice, 1885-1977; Women -- Suffrage -- United States
She had passed through nine southern Democratic States. Every speech had
been received enthusiastically, with sympathy, and without question.
Suddenly the cry of “Treason,” “Pro-German,” was raised. She was to
speak at Dallas, Texas, on Monday, November 18. But the organizer found
she could not engage a hall nor even a room at the hotel in which Miss
Younger could speak. The Mayor would not allow her to hold a street
meeting. Miss Younger, whose speeches are always the maximum of
accuracy, informedness, feeling—coupled with a kind of diplomatic
suavity—offered to submit her speech for censorship. They refused her
even that. Finally on Monday morning a hall was found and engaged. The
people who rented it canceled that engagement on Monday afternoon. The
reporters flocked to see Miss Younger, who astutely said to them, “Of
course the President is not responsible for—etc, etc.”—ad libitum—not
responsible, in brief, for all the things she would have said in her
speech. Miss Condon, who was organizing in that vicinity, had a little
office on the top floor and decided to hold a meeting there. Miss
Younger spoke to a small audience drummed up as hastily as possible,
notifying newspaper and police when the audience was about to arrive.
There were detectives present. Miss Younger takes great joy in the fact
that in attending this meeting, these detectives, following the accepted
tactics of detectives, heavy-handedly—or heavy-footedly—got out of the
elevator on the floor below; tiptoed solemnly up to the floor of the
meeting, thus proclaiming loudly to the world that they were detectives.
In Memphis, Miss Younger had the assistance of Sue White, who, not then
a member of the Woman’s Party, became subsequently one of its most
active, able, and devoted workers. Miss White who is very well known in
her State, had just gained great public approbation by registering fifty
thousand women for war work. She fought hard and constantly to preserve
Miss Younger’s speaking schedule in the nine Tennessee towns. But it was
impossible in many cases. Everywhere they were fought by the Bar
Association and the so-called Home Defense Leagues; and often by civic
officials. The Bar Association et caetera appointed a committee to go to
all hotels, or meeting-places, to ask them not to rent rooms for Miss
Younger’s meetings, and to mayors to request them not to grant permits
for street meetings. The Mayor of Brownsville, for instance, telephoned
to the Mayor of Jackson: “I believe in one God, one Country, and one
President; for God’s sake keep those pickets from coming to
Brownsville.” Fortunately everywhere, as has almost invariably happened
in the Suffrage movement, Labor came to their rescue.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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