The Strenuous Life: The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, Volume 12 (of 14)Roosevelt, Theodore
General
The Strenuous Life: The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, Volume 12 (of 14)
Roosevelt, Theodore
United States -- Colonial question; United States -- Politics and government
Fortunately, most extremists lack the power to commit dangerous
excesses. Their action is normally as abortive as that of the queer
abolitionist who, in 1864, nominated a candidate against Abraham
Lincoln when he was running for re-election to the Presidency. The men
entering this movement represented all extremes, moral and mental.
Nominally they opposed Lincoln because they did not feel that he had
gone far enough in what they deemed the right direction,—had not
been sufficiently extreme,—and they objected to what they styled his
opportunism, his tendency to compromise, his temporizing conduct,
and his being a practical politician. In reality, of course, their
opposition to Lincoln was conditioned, not upon what Lincoln had
done, but upon their own natures. They were incapable of supporting
a great constructive statesman in a great crisis; and this, not
because they were too virtuous, but because they lacked the necessary
common-sense and power of subordination of self to enable them to
work disinterestedly with others for the common good. Their movement,
however, proved utterly abortive, and they had no effect even for evil.
The sound, wholesome common-sense of the American people fortunately
renders such movements, as a rule, innocuous; and this is, in reality,
the prime reason why republican government prospers in America, as it
does not prosper, for instance, in France. With us these little knots
of impracticables have an insignificant effect upon the national life,
and no representation to speak of in our governmental assemblies. In
France, where the nation has not the habit of self-government, and
where the national spirit is more volatile and less sane, each little
group grows until it becomes a power for evil, and, taken together, all
the little groups give to French political life its curious, and by no
means elevating, kaleidoscopic character.
Macaulay’s eminently sane and wholesome spirit and his knowledge
of practical affairs give him a peculiar value among historians
of political thought. In speaking of Scotland at the end of the
seventeenth century he writes as follows:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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