The Strenuous Life: The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, Volume 12 (of 14)Roosevelt, Theodore
General
The Strenuous Life: The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, Volume 12 (of 14)
Roosevelt, Theodore
United States -- Colonial question; United States -- Politics and government
It would be difficult to say which is the surest way of bringing about
such a complete divorce: on the one hand, the tolerance in a public man
of the nonperformance of promises which can be kept; or, on the other
hand, the insistence by the public upon promises which they either know
or ought to know can not be kept. When in public speech or in a party
platform a policy is outlined which it is known can not or will not be
pursued, the fact is a reflection not only upon the speaker and the
platform-maker, but upon the public feeling to which they appeal. When
a section of the people demand from a candidate promises which he can
not believe that he will be able to fulfil and, on his refusal, support
some man who cheerfully guarantees an immediate millennium, why, under
such circumstances the people are striving to bring about in America
some of the conditions of public life which produced the profligacy and
tyranny of mediæval Italy. Such conduct means that the capacity for
self-government has atrophied; and the hard-headed common-sense with
which the American people, as a whole, refuse to sanction such conduct
is the best possible proof and guarantee of their capacity to perform
the high and difficult task of administering the greatest Republic upon
which the sun has ever shone.
There are always politicians willing, on the one hand, to promise
everything to the people, and, on the other, to perform everything
for the machine or the boss, with chuckling delight in the success of
their efforts to hoodwink the former and serve the latter. Now, not
only should such politicians be regarded as infamous, but the people
who are hoodwinked by them should share the blame. The man who is taken
in by, or demands, impossible promises is not much less culpable than
the politician who deliberately makes such promises and then breaks
faith. Thus when any public man says that he “will never compromise
under any conditions,” he is certain to receive the applause of a few
emotional people who do not think correctly, and the one fact about him
that can be instantly asserted as true beyond peradventure is that, if
he is a serious personage at all, he is deliberately lying, while it
is only less certain that he will be guilty of base and dishonorable
compromise when the opportunity arises. “Compromise” is so often used
in a bad sense that it is difficult to remember that properly it merely
describes the process of reaching an agreement. Naturally there are
certain subjects on which no man can compromise. For instance, there
must be no compromise under any circumstances with official corruption,
and of course no man should hesitate to say as much. Again, an honest
politician is entirely justified in promising on the stump that he will
make no compromise on any question of right and wrong. This promise he
can and ought to make good. But when questions of policy arise—and
most questions, from the tariff to municipal ownership of public
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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