sugar men and Senators, and of directions sent from the White House. One of the shameful features of the story was that a number of Senators had taken advantage of secret information on the sugar schedule to speculate in sugar stock. This amazing story of political barter would have raised a chorus of jeers, had there not been before the country’s eye so much corroborating evidence. The clamor was so loud over the article that in May an investigation was made. Many of the details of the story were discredited. Mr. Cleveland, Mr. Carlisle, and Mr. Mills were certainly cleared, but a substantial scandal remained. By the frank admission of Mr. Havemeyer, it was proved that the trust was in the habit of making contributions to both parties, that is, each party got something, if the result was doubtful. If not, the contribution went to the dominant side, that being the one to which the trust would look for favors. This conclusion is clinched by the following bit of a dialogue which occurred in the course of the investigation: “_Mr. Havemeyer._—The American Sugar Refining Company has no politics of any kind. “_Senator Allen._—Only the politics of business? “_Mr. Havemeyer._—Only the politics of business.” Whatever the Democrats received in 1892 from the Sugar Trust,—and it is probably as certain that they received, not $500,000, but a good sum, as it is certain that Mr. Quay received something like $100,000 from the same source in the campaign of 1888,—it was the sugar refiners who succeeded in getting the rates they wanted into the Wilson Bill, not the sugar-producers. So strong was their position with the faction remodelling the bill, that is, with Mr. Gorman and Mr. Brice, that they were able to overpower even the Louisiana Senators, on whom the victory of the insurgents was supposed to depend, and to replace the specific duty which these interests wanted and which raw sugar long had had, by an ad valorem rate, a form which was believed to work and probably did work decidedly to the advantage of the trust.