Under other circumstances it would not have been agreeable for Mr. Chase to suggest increased duties. All his life he had been what the Whigs called a free trader—that is, he had preached Democratic doctrines on the tariff. He was one of a large number of leaders in the Republican party who had originally been Democrats and who had joined the new organization solely because of its anti-slavery sentiments, and who had reluctantly swallowed the new party’s leanings towards protection, hoping always, no doubt, to uproot them finally. Mr. Chase had probably been the less inclined to make any show of objection to the protectionist program of the new organization because he had hoped to be its choice for president. But Mr. Chase had not been his party’s choice for president. On the contrary, he had been obliged to accept from his successful rival a portfolio for which he had no love and no training—that of Secretary of the Treasury. Disappointed as he was, badly used as he felt himself to be, he undertook manfully the hard task of raising money for the war. From the first his determination and confidence were the firmest. The money was in the country. It must come into the National Treasury, if not by one means, then by another. “The war must go on,” he told the bankers who hesitated to take his loans, in July, 1861, “until this rebellion is put down, if we have to put out paper until it takes a thousand dollars to buy a breakfast.” And when they gave him their terms with a “this-is-our-ultimatum,” he replied, “It is for me to make ultimatums; not you.” Higher tariffs then instead of lower Mr. Chase naturally advised, and he asked Congress to amend the Morrill Bill to this end. Many of its duties he raised, articles which it placed on the free list he took off. On many articles he arranged for a double duty, that is, duty on both value and quantity, and he tacked to the bill a direct tax of $20,000,000 to be divided among the states and a tax on all incomes of over $800. Mr. Chase expected from this measure as amended to get something like $80,000,000 of the $318,000,000 he calculated he would need in the next year (ending June 30, 1862). There was no delay in the adoption of the bill. Its worst enemies were for it. Even the New York _Evening Post_, which had fought the Morrill Bill with teeth and claws, which had called it a “booby of a bill,” the “blunder of the age,” now said resignedly that in the situation the best thing to do was to “patch it up.” “The great object we have in view during the continuance of the war by financial regulations,” said the _Post_, “is to raise, in the easiest and least burdensome manner, the largest possible amount of revenue. To further this object, free traders can readily work with protectionists. War is an exceptional state and demands extraordinary measures. For this reason we are prepared to support a scale of duties at present which we should oppose if the nation were at peace.”