Courts -- United States; Revolutions; United States -- Politics and government
Up to about the middle of the last century the lawfulness of the liquor
business had been unquestioned in the United States, and money had been
invested as freely in it as in any other legitimate enterprise; but, as
the temperance agitation swept over the country, in obedience to the
impulsion given by science to the study of hygiene, dealing in liquor
came to be condemned as a crime. Presently legislatures began to pass
statutes to confiscate, more or less completely, this kind of property,
and sufferers brought their cases before the courts to have the
constitutionality of the acts tested, under the provisions which existed
in all state constitutions, forbidding the taking, by the public, of
private property without compensation, or without due process of law.
Such a provision existed hi the constitution of the State of New York,
adopted in 1846, and it was to invoke the protection of this clause that
one Wynehamer, who had been indicted in 1855, carried his case to the
Court of Appeals in the year 1856. In that cause Mr. Justice Comstock,
who was one of the ablest jurists New York ever produced, gave an
opinion which is a model of judicial' reasoning. He showed conclusively
the absurdity of constitutional restrictions, if due process of law may
be held to mean the enactment of the very statute drawn to work
confiscation.[23] This decision, which represented the profoundest
convictions of men of the calibre of Comstock and Denio, deserves to
rank with Marshall's effort in the Dartmouth College Case. In both
instances the tribunal exerted itself to carry out Hamilton's principle
of judicial duty by exercising its _judgment_ and not its _will_. In
other words, the judges propounded a general rule and then simply
determined whether the set of facts presented to them fell within that
rule. They resolutely declined to legislate by entering upon a
consideration of the soundness or reasonableness of the policy which
underlay the action of the legislature. In the one case as in the other
the effort was unavailing, as Jefferson prophesied that it would be. I
have told of Marshall's overthrow in the Charles River Bridge Case, and
in 1887, after controversies of this category had begun to come before
the Supreme Court of the United States under the Fourteenth Amendment,
Mr. Justice Harlan swept Mr. Justice Comstock aside by quietly ignoring
an argument which was unanswerable.[24] The same series of phenomena
have appeared in regard to laws confiscating property invested in
lotteries, when opinion turned against lotteries, or in occupations
supposed to be unsanitary, as in the celebrated case of the taxing out
of existence of the rendering establishment which had been erected as a
public benefit to relieve the City of Chicago of its offal.[25] In fine,
whenever pressure has reached a given intensity, on one pretext or
another, courts have enforced or dispensed with constitutional
limitations with quite as much facility as have legislatures, and for
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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