The Trial and Execution, for Petit Treason, of Mark and Phillis, Slaves of Capt. John Codman: Who Murdered Their Master at Charlestown, Mass., in 1755; for Which the Man Was Hanged and Gibbeted, and the Woman Was Burned to Death. Including, Also, Some Account of Other Punishments by Burning in MassachusettsGoodell, Abner Cheney
History
The Trial and Execution, for Petit Treason, of Mark and Phillis, Slaves of Capt. John Codman: Who Murdered Their Master at Charlestown, Mass., in 1755; for Which the Man Was Hanged and Gibbeted, and the Woman Was Burned to Death. Including, Also, Some Account of Other Punishments by Burning in Massachusetts
It is worthy of observation that no such process as a formal warrant
was required for a capital execution by the laws of England. In the
King's Bench, the prisoner was committed to the custody of the marshal
at the beginning of the trial, and an award of judgment upon the
record was all the authority that that officer had for the execution.
Formerly, it was customary in courts of oyer and terminer, and of jail
delivery, to authorize the execution by a precept under the hands and
seals of three or more commissioners, of whom one, at least, should be
of the quorum; but this custom had become obsolete at the time of this
trial, and only a calendar, or abstract of the record, subscribed by
the judge, was put into the hands of the sheriff for this purpose; and
such is the practice in England, I presume, to this day.
Even Blackstone, who is so blind to many gross imperfections in the
jurisprudence of his native country, is forced to remark, in view of
the looseness of procedure in capital cases,--
"It may certainly afford matter of speculation that in civil
causes there should be such a variety of writs of execution
to recover a trifling debt, issued in the king's name, and
under the seal of the court, without which the sheriff
cannot legally stir one step; and yet that the execution of
a man, the most important and terrible task of any, should
depend upon a marginal note."[6]
[Footnote 6: Comm. book iv. ch. 32, p. 403.]
The courts and people of New England were always more mindful of the
sacredness of human life than those of other nations, save, perhaps,
the little community of the Netherlands. They also attached great
importance to the formal proceedings by which the ends of justice
were reached in criminal cases. This is well illustrated by an
incident that is recorded relative to the action of the judges of the
Superior Court of the Province when, after the conviction of
Richardson for the murder of the boy Sneider, in 1770, it became
evident to them that the cause of justice required that they should
intercede to prevent his execution. They were long in doubt as to the
sufficiency of a pardon obtained from the crown through the
recommendation of the Lieutenant-Governor upon their certificate of
its propriety, the only evidence of the pardon being its insertion in
the Newgate Calendar. Hutchinson relates that "they were at length
satisfied; and the prisoner having been brought into court early in
the morning, when scarcely anybody but the officers of the court were
present, pleaded his Majesty's pardon, and was discharged, and
immediately absconded."[7]
[Footnote 7: Hist. Mass. Bay, vol. iii. p. 287, n.]
But, to proceed with a definition of the crime committed by these
negroes, and a more particular account of the punishment for petit
treason:--
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