The Trial of Theodore Parker: For the "Misdemeanor" of a Speech in Faneuil Hall against Kidnapping, before the Circuit Court of the United States, at Boston, April 3, 1855, with the DefenceParker, Theodore
Religion
The Trial of Theodore Parker: For the "Misdemeanor" of a Speech in Faneuil Hall against Kidnapping, before the Circuit Court of the United States, at Boston, April 3, 1855, with the Defence
Parker, Theodore
Antislavery movements -- Massachusetts -- Boston; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
In 1731 Sir Philip Yorke, attorney-general, solemnly declared that an
editor is "_not to publish any thing reflecting on the character and
reputation and administration of his Majesty or his Ministers_;" "if
he breaks that law, or exceeds that liberty of the press he is to _be
punished for it_." Where did he get his law--in the third year of
Edward I., in A.D. 1275! But that statute of the Dark Ages was held
good law in 1731; and it seems to be thought good law in 1855! And the
attorney who affirmed the atrocious principle, soon became Chief
Justice, a "consummate judge," a Peer, Lord Hardwicke, and Lord
Chancellor![92] Lord Mansfield had not a much higher opinion of the
liberty of the press; indeed, in all libel cases, he assumed it was
exclusively the function of the judges to determine whether the words
published contained malicious or seditious matter, the jury were only
to find the fact of publication.[93] Thus the party in power with
their Loughboroughs, their Thurlows, their Jeffreys, their
Scroggs--shall I add also American names--are the exclusive judges as
to what shall be published relating to the party in power--their
Loughboroughs, their Thurlows, their Jeffreys and their Scroggs, or
their analogous American names! It was the free press of
England--Elizabeth invoked it--which drove back the "invincible
Armada;" this which stayed the tide of Papal despotism; this which
dyked the tyranny of Louis XIV. out from Holland. Aye, it was this
which the Stuarts, with their host of attendants, sought to break down
and annihilate for ever;[94] which Thurlow and Mansfield so formidably
attacked, and which now in America--but the American aspect of the
matter must not now be looked in the face.
[Footnote 92: 17 St. Tr. 674; 5 Campbell, 57; Hildreth's Despotism,
199.]
[Footnote 93: 20 St. Tr. 900. But see 28 St. Tr. 595, and 16 Parl.
Hist. 1211.]
[Footnote 94: For the frequency of trials for words spoken in Charles
II.'s reign of terror, see the extracts from Narcissus Luttrel's Brief
Historical Relation, 10 St. Tr. 125.]
* * * * *
But spite of all these impediments in the way of liberty, the voice of
humanity could not be forever silenced. Now and then a virtuous and
high-minded judge appeared in office--like Hale or Holt, Camden or
Erskine. Even in the worst times there were noble men who lifted up
their voices. Let me select two examples from men not famous, but
whose names, borne by other persons, are still familiar to this court.
In 1627 Sir Robert Phillips, member for Somersetshire, in his place in
Parliament, thus spoke against the advance of despotism:[95]--
[Footnote 95: 1 Rushworth, 502.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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