Neutrality -- United States; United States -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918 -- Causes; World War, 1914-1918 -- United States
Such a decision has, of course, had its consequences. Any person who,
after hesitating, comes to a decision, likes afterwards to have as many
grounds as possible for justifying himself, and the same holds of a
nation. If America had, for good or evil, plunged into the war, she
would have found easily a thousand reasons for being enthusiastic about
it and for justifying her intimate sympathy with us. It is now the other
way. She cannot help feeling a certain coldness towards people who, as
she thinks, tempted her to dangerous courses; who certainly felt,
however unreasonably, a shade of disappointment about her. What right
had we to be disappointed; to hint by our manner, if not by words, that
she had chosen safety rather than the _beau role_? After all, why should
she fight England's battles? Wicked as the Germans are--and hardly any
normal American defends them--is England so entirely disinterested and
blameless? Is Ireland so much more contented than Alsace-Lorraine? Do
the "Black List" and the Paris Resolutions and the "Orders in Council"
suggest that the new Liberal England is so very different from the old
England that was America's natural enemy? The President has used
language which looks like a repudiation of all moral or human interest
in Europe's quarrels: "With the causes and objects of the war America is
not concerned." I do not believe that the President himself really
would hold to that dictum, and I am sure his countrymen would not. The
principle is too cynical for either. But, as far as direct public action
is concerned, that statement holds the field. Belgium, Armenia, Poland,
Miss Cavell, the horrors of Wittenberg, the wholesale deportations of
women, the habitual killing of unarmed civilians; all these are to count
as matters of indifference for the executive government of the United
States.
But not for the human beings who compose the United States, whether in
the Government or out of it. The more they have decided not to intervene
publicly in the war, the more they are ready to pour out their sympathy,
their work, and their riches to help the distresses of the war. Never
was there a nation so generous, so ready in sympathy, so quick to
respond to the call of suffering. They exceed England in these qualities
almost as much as England exceeds the average of Europe. They will stand
aloof from the savage old struggle, free, unpolluted, rejoicing in their
own peace and exceeding prosperity, but always ready to send their
missionaries and almoners to bind the wounds of more benighted lands.
The wars of Europe are not their business.
Unless, indeed, after the war, the victor should come out too powerful?
A victorious Germany is fortunately out of the question; but a
victorious England--might not that bring trouble? America must after all
be "prepared."
II.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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