In assessing the early value of all proposals for better international
relations, the best practical test is afforded by the question, 'Will
the proposal lead nations to reduce their armaments?' For it will be
admitted that any settlement or international agreement, which leaves
the claims of militarism and navalism upon the vital and financial
resources of the several nations unimpaired, affords little hope of a
pacific future. A return to the era of competing armaments will destroy
the moral strength of any formal international agreements, however
specious. The importance of this consideration has led many to insist
that an explicit agreement for proportional disarmament should take a
prominent place in any settlement. This proposal, however, seems to me
defective in that it presumes in all or some of the nations a
persistence of the motives which have hitherto led them to strengthen
their fighting forces. Now the primary object of such international
arrangements as we are discussing, is to bring about a state of things
in which the past motives to arm will weaken and tend to disappear. If
nations, actuated either by arrogance or greed or fear, continue to
desire to increase their fighting strength, no arrangements for
proportionate disarmament are likely to be effective. On the other hand,
if the basis of a really valid league or federation can be laid,
precluding the most ambitious State from any reasonable hope of
indulging dreams of successful conquest, while relieving timid States
from the apprehensions under which they have lived hitherto, the natural
play of political forces within each State will favour disarmament. An
international arrangement that meets our requirements must be strong
enough to reverse the motives, aggressive and defensive, which in the
past have caused nations to arm. Nations will not pile up armaments if
they believe that they will have no need or opportunity to use them. To
produce this belief in the uselessness of national armies and navies is
therefore a prime object of international policy. The successful
establishment of this belief involves, however, a change of disposition
among national governments amounting to the process known in religious
circles as conversion. They must be induced to forgo that right of war
which according to past statecraft has been the brightest jewel in the
crown of sovereignty.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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