[497] Williams, p. 78. There is not a great deal of specific information on the herbal remedies used by the Wampanoags and their neighbors. Writing of herbal remedies over the entire Northeastern Algonquian area, Speck notes that there is variation from area to area and probably among curers within a single area as to what herb was used for what symptom. [498] Gookin, p. 154; Mayhew, letter in “The Light Appearing More and More Towards the Perfect Day, etc.”, Henry Whitfield, compiler, Massachusetts Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, Ser. 3 IV (Boston, 1834) p. 202; Williams, pp. 212-13; Winslow, pp. 357-58; Wood, p. 84. [499] Williams, p. 210; Winslow, pp. 313, 317-18, 362-63. [500] Williams, pp. 152, 212-13; Winslow, pp. 357-58. [501] Wood, pp. 92-93. [502] Mayhew, p. 202; Williams, p. 152; Winslow, pp. 357-58. [503] Gookin, p. 154. [504] Ibid.; Mayhew, p. 202; Williams, pp. 212-13; Winslow, pp. 317-18; Wood, pp. 92-93. Gookin says that there were both male and female powows and that they cured both by magic and by herbal means. Williams states that the powows administered nothing in the course of a cure, but proceeded by verbal means only. In none of the reports that recount the actual actions used by the powow is there any mention of the use of herbal cures as part of the process. [505] Williams, pp. 212-13. [506] Winslow, pp. 362-63. [507] Ibid., p. 359. [508] B. Bassett, “Fabulous Traditions and Customs of the Indians of Martha’s Vineyard,” Massachusetts Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, Ser. 1, I (Boston, 1792), p. 40. [509] Williams, p. 210. [510] Wood, pp. 84-85. [511] Williams, p. 148. [512] Ibid., pp. 111, 154; Winslow, p. 356; Wood, pp. 105-6. This interpretation of Wampanoag religious philosophy may reflect the bias of European observers conditioned by their own Christian beliefs and the desire to see parallels to them. In actual fact, Wampanoags seem to have had a concept of multiple souls, and the fate of all these was perhaps not the same, considering the fear they had of spirits of all the dead. [513] Wood, pp. 104-105. [514] Ibid.; MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 130-33, 142-43; Williams, pp. 216-18; Willoughby, pp. 233, 237-39, 241-42. [515] Winslow, p. 363. [516] Williams, pp. 216-18. [517] Winslow, p. 363; Morton, pp. 169-170. [518] Willoughby, p. 233. [519] Williams, pp. 216-18. [520] Morton, pp. 170-71. [521] Ibid.; Wood, p. 104. [522] Williams, p. 214. [523] Wood, p. 104. [524] Morton, p. 133; Winslow, p. 363. [525] Williams, pp. 216-18. It is likely that considerable of this display was less of what we would call “grief” than an attempt to convince the spirit of the deceased not to linger and trouble those who were close to him in life. Malevolence on the part of spirits of the dead is a typical northern Algonquian pattern, and abandoning the house to trick the spirit of a dead relative is a very common practice in primitive groups throughout the world.