Hughes, William Morris, 1864-1952; Lloyd George, David, 1863-1945; World War, 1914-1918 -- Economic aspects
On the other hand, there are many ways by which even a near translation
of the economic pact into actuality may work hardship--even disaster--to
American commercial interests. No matter which way we turn when peace
comes we shall face the proverbial millstones in the shape of two great
alliances. One is the Allied Group, jealous of our new wealth and world
power, bitter with the belief that we have coined gold out of agony; the
other is the Teutonic Union, smarting because of our aid to its
enemies, stinging under reverses, mad with a desire to recuperate.
Examine our trade relations with warring Europe and you see how
hazardous a shift in old-time relations would be. To the fighting
peoples and their colonies in normal times we send nearly seventy-eight
per cent of our exports, and from them we derive seventy per cent of our
exports. The Allies alone, principally England and her colonies, get
sixty-three per cent of these exports and send us fifty-four per cent of
all we get from foreign lands.
As the National Foreign-Trade Council of the United States points out:
"Any sweeping change of tariff, navigation or financial policy on the
part of either group of the Allies, and particularly on the part of the
Entente Allies, may seriously affect the domestic prosperity of the
United States, in which foreign trade is a vital element."
Why is this foreign trade so vital? Because, during these last two years
of world upheaval we have rolled up the immense favourable trade balance
of over three billion dollars. In peace time this would be paid for in
merchandise. But fighting Europe's industries, with the exception of a
part of England's, are mobilised for munitions. Therefore, these goods
have been paid for largely in gold.
This gold is now part of our basis of credit. When the war ends Europe
will make every effort that ingenuity, backed up by trade resource, can
devise to get that gold back. One way is through loans from us; the
other is by exports to us. Now you see why we must maintain our foreign
commerce.
Our huge gold reserve hides another menace: The war demands for our
commodities, paid for with the yellow metal, have increased the cost of
production; and it will stay up. This will lead to an unequal
competition with the cheap labour markets of Europe when the war is
over. Both groups of Allies will be able to undersell us.
Turn to the raw materials and you encounter a further danger in the
economic pact. If the Allies develop their own sources, it will cut down
our export of cotton, copper and oil. If they cannot develop sufficient
sources for self-supply they may, through co-operative buying outside
their dominions, satisfy their needs. In the third place, they may
stimulate, through tariff or shipping concessions, or by
subsidies--which are much talked of in Europe to-day--a preference for
their own manufactures over American products in both allied and neutral
markets.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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