The War and DemocracySeton-Watson, R. W. (Robert William)
History
The War and Democracy
Seton-Watson, R. W. (Robert William)
Europe -- Politics and government -- 1871-1918; Nationalism -- Europe; World War, 1914-1918
Englishmen sometimes wonder why there are so many Royal princes in
Germany--why it is that when a vacant throne has to be filled, or a husband
to be found for a princess of royal standing, Germany seems to provide
such an inexhaustible choice. The reason is that Germany consisted, until
recently, not of one State but of a multitude of States, each of which had
a court and a dynasty and sovereign prerogatives of its own. In 1789, at
the outbreak of the French Revolution, there were 360 of these States of
every sort and size and variety. Some were Kingdoms, like Prussia, some
were Electorates, like Hanover (under our English George III.), some were
Grand Duchies, some were Bishoprics, some were Free Cities, and some
were simply feudal estates in which, owing to the absence of a central
authority, noble families had risen to the rank of independent powers.
These families were the descendants of those "robber-barons" whose castles
on the Rhine and all over South and West Germany the tourist finds so
picturesque. Prince William of Wied, the first Prince of Albania, is a
member of one of them, and is thus entitled to rank with the royalties of
Europe: the father-in-law of ex-King Manoel of Portugal, the Prince of
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, a branch of the Kaiser's own family, is another
familiar recent instance. And every one remembers Prince Albert of
Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, the husband of Queen Victoria.
In 1789 the possibility of a German National State was so remote that
Germans had not even begun to dream of one. Each little Principality was
jealously tenacious of its local rights, or, as we should say, of its
vested interests, as against the common interests of Germany. Most of
them were narrow and parochial in their outlook; and the others, the
more broad-minded, were not national but cosmopolitan in spirit. To the
tradition of municipal thinking, which had lasted on uninterruptedly in the
Free Cities of Germany from the Middle Ages, Germany owes the excellence of
her municipal government to-day. To the broad and tolerant humanism of
her more enlightened courts, such as Weimar and Brunswick, we owe the
influences that shaped the work of Goethe and of Lessing, two of the
greatest figures in European thought and letters.
Into these peaceful haunts of culture and parochialism Napoleon, with the
armies and the ideas of Revolutionary France, swept like a whirlwind,
breaking up the old settled comfortable life of the cities and countryside.
One of the greatest of German writers, the Jew Heine, has described in a
wonderful passage what the coming of Napoleon meant to the inhabitants of a
little German Principality. It is worth transcribing at some length, for
it gives the whole colour and atmosphere of the old local life in Western
Germany, which has not even yet entirely passed away. The speaker is an old
soldier giving reminiscences of his boyhood:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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