"Because it will be so expensive in money and men that no country will be able to stand the racket for longer than a few months. Modern weapons are so destructive, and modern warfare costs so much, that before we know where we are one side will all be dead and the other side bankrupt; so we shall _have_ to stop! The South African affair cost us a quarter of a million a day, while it lasted. This enterprise may run us into two, or even three millions. Think of that! Twenty millions a week! A thousand millions a year! We can’t do it! Neither can France! Neither can Germany! No, it will be a short war. I am bound to admit K. of K. doesn’t agree with me. He puts it at three years. I lunched with him two days ago. He was getting ready to go back to Egypt then—sorely against the grain, naturally; but it did not seem to have occurred to anybody to tell him to hold back for a week or two. We can’t allow him to go out of the country at present; the thing’s preposterous! Let me see, where was I?" "Lunching with K." "Oh, yes. He said three years. I asked why, and he replied that before this war finished every single able-bodied man of the combatant nations would be fighting in a national army, and it would take three years for this country to put its full strength into the field. But of course K. doesn’t understand economic conditions. He’s our greatest soldier, but not an economist. Still, that’s K.’s view. I don’t agree with it, but it’s K.’s view. And if we go to war, K. will probably lead us; so we must expect to provide for war on K.’s scale." All this was sufficiently stunning and bewildering in its suddenness and immensity; but it aroused my professional instincts. "How is K. going to set about creating such an army?" I asked. "Raise supplementary Regular battalions; expand the Territorial establishment; or what?"